{{short description|Parliamentary device in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth}} {{italic title}} {{Use dmy dates|date=November 2020}} [[Image:Polish Sejm under the reign of Sigismund III Vasa (5793484).jpg|thumb|right|250px|Sejm session at the Royal Castle, Warsaw, 1622]] The '''''liberum veto''''' (Latin for "free veto"{{efn|Latin ''veto'' is originally a verb meaning "I forbid it" or "I protest"; this word was, in addition to its normal uses, in Roman times employed as an interjection by the ''tribuni plebis'' to protest any measure of the Roman Senate or the magistrates, and eventually was also nominalized in reference to its use as an interjection.}}) was a parliamentary device in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. It was a form of unanimity voting rule that allowed any member of the Sejm (legislature) to force an immediate end to the current session and to nullify any legislation that had already been passed at the session by shouting either ''Sisto activitatem!'' (Latin: "I stop the activity!") or ''Nie pozwalam!'' (Polish: "I do not allow!"). The rule was in place from the mid-17th century to the late 18th century in the Sejm's parliamentary deliberations. It was based on the premise that since all of the Polish–Lithuanian noblemen were equal, every measure that came before the Sejm had to be passed unanimously. The ''liberum veto'' was a key part of the political system of the Commonwealth, strengthening democratic elements and checking royal power and went against the European-wide trend of having a strong executive (absolute monarchy).
Many historians hold that the ''liberum veto'' was a major cause of the deterioration of the Commonwealth political system, particularly in the 18th century, when foreign powers bribed Sejm members to paralyze its proceedings, causing foreign occupation, dominance and manipulation of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and its eventual destruction in the partitions. Piotr Stefan Wandycz wrote that the "''liberum veto'' had become the sinister symbol of old Polish anarchy". In the period of 1573–1763, about 150 sejms were held, about a third failing to pass any legislation, mostly because of the ''liberum veto''. The expression ''Polish parliament'' in many European languages originated from the apparent paralysis.
==Origin== The rule evolved from the principle of unanimous consent, which derived from the traditions of decision making in the Kingdom of Poland, and it developed under the federative character of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.<ref name="bardach220-221"/> Each deputy represented a region in the Sejm, himself being elected at a sejmik (the local ''sejm'' of a region). He thus assumed responsibility to his sejmik for all decisions taken at the Sejm.<ref name="bardach220-221"/> Since all noblemen were considered equal, a decision taken by a majority against the will of a minority (even if only one sejmik) was considered a violation of the principle of political equality.<ref name="bardach220-221"/>
At first, the dissenting deputies were often convinced or cowed back to withdraw their objections.<ref name="bardach220-221"/> Also, at first, the rule was used to strike down only individual laws, not to dissolve the chamber and throw out all measures passed.<ref name="Czaplinski-29"/> For example, as historian Władysław Czapliński describes in the Sejm of 1611 context, some resolutions were struck down, but others passed.<ref name=Czaplinski-29/> From the mid-17th century onward, however, an objection to any item of Sejm legislation from a deputy or senator automatically caused other, earlier adopted legislation to be rejected. That was because all legislation that was adopted by a given Sejm formed a whole.<ref name="bardach223"/>
It is commonly and erroneously believed that a Sejm was first disrupted by the ''liberum veto'' by a Trakai deputy, Władysław Siciński, in 1652.<ref name="Jasienica"/> In reality, he vetoed only the continuation of the Sejm's deliberations beyond the statutory time limit.<ref name="bardach223"/><ref name="Carsten1961"/> He had, however, set up a dangerous precedent.<ref name="Carsten1961"/><ref name="Jędruch1982-117-119"/> Over the proceedings of the next few sejms, the veto was still occasionally overruled, but it became gradually more accepted.<ref name="Jędruch1982-117-119"/> Before 20 years had passed, in 1669 in Kraków, the entire Sejm was prematurely disrupted on the strength of the ''liberum veto'' before it had finished its deliberations<ref name="bardach223"/><ref name="Carsten1961"/> by the Kyiv deputy, Adam Olizar.<ref name="Korzon1898"/> The practice spiraled out of control, and in 1688, the Sejm was dissolved even before the proceedings had begun or the Marshal of the Sejm was elected.<ref name="bardach223"/><ref name="Carsten1961"/>
==Zenith== During the reign of John III Sobieski (1674–1696), half of Sejm proceedings were scuttled by the veto.<ref name="Carsten1961"/> The practice also spread from the national Sejm to local sejmik proceedings.<ref name="Carsten1961"/> In the first half of the 18th century, it became increasingly common for Sejm sessions to be broken up by the ''liberum veto'', as the Commonwealth's neighbours, chiefly Russia and Prussia, found it to be a useful tool to frustrate attempts at reforming and strengthening the Commonwealth. By bribing deputies to exercise their vetoes, Poland–Lithuania's neighbours could derail any measures not to their liking.<ref name="bardach223"/> The Commonwealth deteriorated from a European power into a state of anarchy.<ref name="obywatelskiego"/> Only a few Sejms were able to meet during the reign of the House of Saxony in Poland (1696–1763), the last one in 1736.<ref name="bardach223"/> Only 8 out of the 18 Sejm sessions during the reign of Augustus II (1697–1733) passed legislation.<ref name="Wandycz2001-103-104"/> For a period of 30 years around the reign of Augustus III, only one session was able to pass legislation (1734–1763).<ref name="Davies1998"/> The government was near collapse, giving rise to the term "Polish anarchy", and the country was managed by provincial assemblies and magnates.<ref name="Davies1998"/>
Disruption of the Commonwealth governance caused by the liberum veto was highly significant. From 1573 to 1763, about 150 Sejms were held, of which 53 failed to pass any legislation.<ref name="bardach223"/> Historian Jacek Jędruch notes that out of the 53 disrupted Sejms, 32 were disrupted by the ''liberum veto''.<ref name="Jędruch1982-128"/>
==Final years== The 18th century saw an institution known as a "confederated sejm" evolve.<ref name="bardach"/> It was a parliament session that operated under the rules of a confederation.<ref name=bardach/> Its primary purpose was to avoid disruption by the ''liberum veto'', unlike the national Sejm, which was being paralyzed by the veto.<ref name=bardach/> On some occasions, a confederated sejm was formed of the whole membership of the national Sejm so that the ''liberum veto'' would not operate.<ref name="Jędruch1982-136-138"/>
The second half of the 18th century, marking the age of the Polish Enlightenment, also witnessed an increased trend aiming at the reform of the Commonwealth's inefficient governance.<ref name="bardach284-287"/><ref name="bardach289"/> Reforms of 1764–1766 improved the Sejm's proceedings.<ref name="bardach293-294"/> Majority voting for non-crucial items, including most economic and tax matters, was introduced, with binding instructions from sejmiks being outlawed.<ref name="bardach293-294"/> The road to reform was not easy, as conservatives, supported by foreign powers, opposed most of the changes and attempted to defend the ''liberum veto'' and other elements perpetuating the inefficient governance, most notably by the Cardinal Laws of 1768.<ref name="bardach297-298"/><ref name="Davies2005-391"/>
The ''liberum veto'' was finally abolished by the Constitution of 3 May 1791, adopted by a confederated sejm, which permanently established the principle of majority rule.<ref name="Sanford"/> The achievements of that constitution, however, which historian Norman Davies called "the first constitution of its kind in Europe",<ref name="Europe: A History"/> were undone by another confederated sejm, meeting at Grodno in 1793. That Sejm, under duress from Russia and Prussia, ratified the Second Partition, anticipating the Third Partition, the final dissolution of the Polish-Lithuanian state, just two years later.<ref name="Davies2005-405"/>
==Significance== Harvard political scientist Grzegorz Ekiert, assessing the history of the ''liberum veto'' in Poland–Lithuania, concludes:
{{quote| The principle of the liberum veto preserved the feudal features of Poland's political system, weakened the role of the monarchy, led to anarchy in political life, and contributed to the economic and political decline of the Polish state. Such a situation made the country vulnerable to foreign invasions and ultimately led to its collapse.<ref>Grzegorz Ekiert, "Veto, Liberum", in Seymour Martin Lipset, ed. ‘'The Encyclopedia of Democracy'’ (1998) 4:1341</ref>}}
Political scientist Dalibor Roháč noted that the "principle of ''liberum veto'' played an important role in [the] emergence of the unique Polish form of constitutionalism" and acted as a significant constraint on the powers of the monarch by making the "rule of law, religious tolerance and limited constitutional government... the norm in Poland in times when the rest of Europe was being devastated by religious hatred and despotism."<ref name="Rohac2008" />
It was seen as one of the key principles of the Commonwealth political system and culture, the Golden Liberty.<ref name="bardach248-249" />
At the same time, historians hold that the principle of ''liberum veto'' was a major cause of the deterioration of the Commonwealth political system and Commonwealth's eventual downfall.<ref name=Jasienica/> Deputies bribed by magnates or foreign powers, or simply content to believe they were living in some kind of "Golden Age", for over a century paralysed the Commonwealth's government, stemming any attempts at reform.<ref name="BullittSempa2005"/><ref name="AdamsCarey2000"/> Piotr Stefan Wandycz wrote that the "''liberum veto'' had become the sinister symbol of old Polish anarchy."<ref name="Wandycz1980"/> Wagner echoed him thus: "Certainly, there was no other institution of old Poland which has been more sharply criticized in more recent times than this one.".<ref>{{cite journal|last=Wagner|first=W.J.|title=May 3, 1791, and the Polish constitutional tradition|journal=The Polish Review|date=1992|volume=36|issue=4|pages=383–395|jstor=25778591}}</ref>
==Modern parallels and popular culture==
=== References in popular culture === A 2004 Polish collectible card game, ''Veto'', set in the background of a royal election during an election sejm, is named after this procedure.<ref name="boardgamegeek"/>
In the Netflix series ''1670'', Jan Paweł uses ''liberum veto'' to "win" an assembly.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Cieślak |first1=Jacek |title="1670" to nowy "Miś". Serial Netflixa nie uznaje tabu |url=https://www.rp.pl/platformy-streamingowe/art39559141-1670-netflixa-serial-na-zaprzysiezenie-rzadu |website=Rzeczpospolita |access-date=23 December 2023 |language=pl |date=13 December 2023}}</ref>
=== Modern parallels === Until the early 1990s, IBM had a decision-making process called "non-concur" in which any department head could veto a company-wide strategy if it did not fit in with their own department's outlook, the disagreements being then sent to the superiors in the hierarchy, often taking several months. This effectively turned IBM into several independent fiefdoms. "Non-concur" was eliminated by CEO Louis Gerstner, who was brought in to revive the declining company.<ref name="An executive dressing down" /><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/1994/10/03/79800/index.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201113040022/https://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/1994/10/03/79800/index.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=13 November 2020|title=Is he too cautious to save IBM? Lou Gerstner has stopped IBM's free fall. But Big Blue isn't competitive, and the CEO's deliberate style won't transform it into a winner for years. He may not have that long.|last1=Sherman|first1=Stratford|last2=Rogers|first2=Alison|date=3 October 1994|website=money.cnn.com|access-date=2020-04-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Lohr|first=Steve|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/23/business/notebooks-may-hold-key-to-ibm-s-revival.html|title=Notebooks May Hold Key to I.B.M.'s Revival|date=1993-06-23|work=The New York Times|access-date=2020-04-11|language=en-US|issn=0362-4331}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.techrepublic.com/blog/tech-decision-maker/eradicate-a-culture-of-indecision/|title=Eradicate a culture of indecision|first=Patrick|last=Gray|date=September 12, 2013|website=TechRepublic|language=en|access-date=2020-04-11|archive-date=7 June 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210607180527/https://www.techrepublic.com/blog/tech-decision-maker/eradicate-a-culture-of-indecision/|url-status=dead}}</ref>
Dispositions of the European Union law requiring unanimity between states have been compared to the ''<span dir="ltr" lang="la">liberum veto</span>'' by some commenters.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.coleurope.eu/news/professor-richard-butterwick-pawlikowski-debates-liberum-veto-polish-television|title=Professor Richard Butterwick-Pawlikowski debates the "liberum veto" on Polish television|website=www.coleurope.eu|access-date=2020-04-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.brinknews.com/could-a-multi-tier-europe-be-a-stronger-europe/|title=Could a 'Multi-Tier' Europe Be a Stronger Europe?|last=Zeeb|first=Benjamin|website=Brink |language=en-US|access-date=2020-04-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last1=Södersten|first1=Anna|url=http://www.sieps.se/globalassets/publikationer/2019/sieps-antologi-2019_2op-eng-web.pdf#page=59|title=The Lisbon Treaty 10 years on: Success or Failure?|last2=Kelemen|first2=R. Daniel|last3=van Middelaar|first3=Luuk|last4=Spaventa|first4=Eleanor|last5=Thies|first5=Anne|date=December 2019|publisher=Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies|pages=58–59}}</ref> Wallonia vetoing Belgium's signature of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada brought comparisons to this rule.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://thepolitic.org/eurosphere-polish-parliament-in-brussels/|title=Eurosphere: Polish Parliament in Brussels|last=Hochman|first=Joshua|date=2016-10-31|website=The Politic|language=en-US|access-date=2020-04-11}}</ref>
Decisions made by the United Nations can be dropped if a single one of the permanent members casts a negative vote regarding agenda items. In the UN Security Council, veteoes were and are frequently used by both the USSR/Russian Federation and the United States for geopolitical gains.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://research.un.org/en/docs/sc/quick|title=UN Security Council Meetings & Outcomes Tables|website=research.un.org|access-date=2024-02-27}}</ref>
==See also== * Consensus decision-making * Filibuster * Minoritarianism
==Notes== {{notelist}}
==References== {{reflist|colwidth=33em|refs=
<ref name="boardgamegeek">[http://boardgamegeek.com/boardgame/33436/veto-ccg Veto! CCG | Board Game | BoardGameGeek]</ref> <ref name="AdamsCarey2000">{{cite book|author1=John Adams|author2=George Wescott Carey|title=The political writings of John Adams|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zwKs6Wf2NUEC&pg=PA242|year=2000|publisher=Regnery Gateway|isbn=978-0-89526-292-9|page=242}}</ref>
<ref name="An executive dressing down">{{cite news|author=Culture |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/4729345/An-executive-dressing-down.html |title=An executive dressing down |work=The Telegraph|date= 1 December 2002|access-date=11 November 2011 |location=London}}</ref>
<ref name="bardach">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.225-226</ref>
<ref name="bardach220-221">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.220-221</ref>
<ref name="bardach223">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.223</ref>
<ref name="bardach248-249">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.248-249</ref>
<ref name="bardach284-287">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.284-287</ref>
<ref name="bardach289">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.289</ref>
<ref name="bardach293-294">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.293-294</ref>
<ref name="bardach297-298">Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, ''Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego'' (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, p.297-298</ref>
<ref name="BullittSempa2005">{{cite book|author1=William Bullitt|author2=Francis P. Sempa|title=The great globe itself: a preface to world affairs|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=guYU3I5f2ZgC&pg=PA42|year=2005|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-0490-5|page=42}}</ref>
<ref name="Carsten1961">{{cite book|author=Francis Ludwig Carsten|title=The new Cambridge modern history: The ascendancy of France, 1648–88|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FzQ9AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA562|year=1961|publisher=CUP Archive|isbn=978-0-521-04544-5|pages=561–562}}</ref>
<ref name="Czaplinski-29">Władysław Czapliński, ''Władysław IV i jego czasy'' (Władysław IV and His Times). PW "Wiedza Poweszechna". Warszawa 1976, pp. 29</ref>
<ref name="Davies1998">{{cite book|author=Norman Davies|title=Europe: a history|url=https://archive.org/details/europehistory00norm|url-access=registration|access-date=13 August 2011|date=20 January 1998|publisher=HarperCollins|isbn=978-0-06-097468-8|page=[https://archive.org/details/europehistory00norm/page/659 659]}}</ref>
<ref name="Davies2005-391">{{cite book|author=Norman Davies|title=God's Playground: The origins to 1795|url=https://archive.org/details/godsplaygroundhi00norm_0|url-access=registration|access-date=11 March 2012|date=30 March 2005|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=978-0-231-12817-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/godsplaygroundhi00norm_0/page/391 391]}}</ref>
<ref name="Davies2005-405">{{cite book|author=Norman Davies|title=God's Playground: The origins to 1795|url=https://archive.org/details/godsplaygroundhi00norm_0|url-access=registration|access-date=11 March 2012|date=30 March 2005|publisher=Columbia University Press|isbn=978-0-231-12817-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/godsplaygroundhi00norm_0/page/n438 405]}}</ref>
<ref name="Europe: A History">{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/europehistory00davi_0 |url-access=registration |first=Norman |last=Davies |title=Europe: A History |year=1996 |publisher=Oxford University Press |page=[https://archive.org/details/europehistory00davi_0/page/699 699] |isbn=0-19-820171-0}}</ref>
<ref name="Jasienica">{{cite book|first=Paweł |last=Jasienica|author-link=Paweł Jasienica|title=Polska anarchia|publisher=Wydawnictwo Literackie|location= Kraków |year=1988|isbn= 83-08-01970-6|language=pl}}</ref>
<ref name="Jędruch1982-117-119">{{cite book|author=Jacek Jędruch|author-link=Jacek Jędruch|title=Constitutions, elections, and legislatures of Poland, 1493–1977: a guide to their history|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Rmx8QgAACAAJ|year=1998|publisher=EJJ Books|isbn=978-0-7818-0637-4|pages=117–119}}</ref>
<ref name="Jędruch1982-128">{{cite book|author=Jacek Jędruch|author-link=Jacek Jędruch|title=Constitutions, elections, and legislatures of Poland, 1493–1977: a guide to their history|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Rmx8QgAACAAJ|year=1998|publisher=EJJ Books|isbn=978-0-7818-0637-4|page=128}}</ref>
<ref name="Jędruch1982-136-138">{{cite book|author=Jacek Jędruch|author-link=Jacek Jędruch|title=Constitutions, elections, and legislatures of Poland, 1493–1977: a guide to their history|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Rmx8QgAACAAJ|year=1998|publisher=EJJ Books|isbn=978-0-7818-0637-4|pages=136–138}}</ref>
<ref name="Korzon1898">{{cite book|author=Tadeusz Korzon|title=Dola i Niedola Jana Sobieskiego, 1629–1674|url=https://archive.org/details/dolainiedolajan00korzgoog|access-date=11 June 2011|year=1898|publisher=Akademia Umiejetności|page=[https://archive.org/details/dolainiedolajan00korzgoog/page/n275 262]}}</ref>
<ref name="obywatelskiego">Barbara Markiewicz, "Liberum veto albo o granicach społeczeństwa obywatelskiego" [w:] ''Obywatel: odrodzenie pojęcia'', Warszawa 1993.</ref>
<ref name="Rohac2008">{{cite journal | last = Roháč | first = Dalibor | title = The unanimity rule and religious fractionalisation in the Polish-Lithuanian Republic | journal = Constitutional Political Economy | volume = 19 | issue = 2 | pages = 111–128 | publisher = Springer | date = June 2008 | doi = 10.1007/s10602-008-9037-5 | s2cid = 55627046 }}</ref>
<ref name="Sanford">{{cite book|author=George Sanford|author-link=George Sanford (political scientist)|title=Democratic government in Poland: constitutional politics since 1989|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tOaXi0hX1RAC&pg=PA11|year=2002|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-0-333-77475-5|pages=11–12}}</ref>
<ref name="Wandycz1980">{{cite book|author=Piotr Stefan Wandycz|title=The United States and Poland|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_XaFaNshCrkC&pg=PA87|year=1980|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-92685-1|page=87}}</ref>
<ref name="Wandycz2001-103-104">{{cite book|author=Piotr Stefan Wandycz|title=The price of freedom: a history of East Central Europe from the Middle Ages to the present|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m5plR3x6jLAC&pg=PA103|year=2001|publisher=Psychology Press|isbn=978-0-415-25491-5|pages=103–104}}</ref> }}
==Further reading== * Davies, Norman. ''God's Playground: The origins to 1795'' (2005). * Grzegorz Ekiert, "Veto, Liberum", in Seymour Martin Lipset, ed. ‘'The Encyclopedia of Democracy'’ (1998) 4:1340-41 * Heinberg, John Gilbert. "History of the majority principle." ''The American Political Science Review'' (1926) 20#1 pp: 52–68. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1945098 in JSTOR] * Kordel, Jacek. "The struggle for the majority rule in the Polish-Lithuanian sejm of the eighteenth century.". In: Parliamentarism in Northern and East-Central Europe in the Long Eighteenth Century. Volume II: Practices of Representation, ed. by István M. Szijártó, Wim Blockmans, László Kontler, London/New York:Routledge 2025, pp: 187–219. * Lukowski, Jerzy. "Political Ideas among the Polish Nobility in the Eighteenth Century (to 1788)." ''The Slavonic and East European Review'' (2004): 1–26. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/4213847 in JSTOR] * Roháč, Dalibor. "The unanimity rule and religious fractionalisation in the Polish-Lithuanian Republic." ''Constitutional Political Economy'' (2008) 19#2 pp: 111–128. * Roháč, Dalibor. "'It Is by Unrule That Poland Stands': Institutions and Political Thought in the Polish-Lithuanian Republic." ''The Independent Institute'' 13.2 (2008): 209–224. [https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228274998_%27It_is_by_Unrule_that_Poland_Stands%27_Institutions_and_Political_Thought_in_the_Polish-Lithuanian_Republic/file/e0b49525572420f84b.pdf online]
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Liberum Veto}} Category:Veto Category:Sejm of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth Category:Legal history of Lithuania Category:Legal history of Poland Category:Legal history of Belarus