Self-control

{{short description|Aspect of inhibitory control}} {{Other uses|Self control (disambiguation)}} {{For|similar terms|Adaptive behavior|Emotional self-regulation}}

[[File:Ulysses and the Sirens by H.J. Draper.jpg|thumb|Ulysses and the Sirens by H.J. Draper (1909)]] {{cs1 config|name-list-style=vanc|display-authors=6}}'''Self-control''' is the ability to regulate one's emotions, thoughts, and behavior in the face of temptations and impulses.<ref name="Executive functions3">{{cite journal |vauthors=Diamond A |year=2013 |title=Executive functions |journal=Annual Review of Psychology |volume=64 |pages=135–68 |doi=10.1146/annurev-psych-113011-143750 |pmc=4084861 |pmid=23020641}}</ref> Self-control is closely related to the ability to delay gratification, which refers to resisting immediate rewards in favor of larger or later benefits.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Mischel |first=Walter |last2=Shoda |first2=Yuichi |last3=Rodriguez |first3=Monica L. |year=1989 |title=Delay of gratification in children |journal=Science |volume=244 |issue=4907 |pages=933–938 |doi=10.1126/science.2658056}}</ref> It is an aspect of inhibitory control, one of the core human executive functions.<ref name="Executive functions2">{{cite journal |vauthors=Diamond A |year=2013 |title=Executive functions |journal=Annual Review of Psychology |volume=64 |pages=135–168 |doi=10.1146/annurev-psych-113011-143750 |pmc=4084861 |pmid=23020641}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{cite journal |vauthors=Timpano KR, Schmidt NB |date=February 2013 |title=The relationship between self-control deficits and hoarding: a multimethod investigation across three samples |journal=Journal of Abnormal Psychology |volume=122 |issue=1 |pages=13–25 |citeseerx=10.1.1.396.9232 |doi=10.1037/a0029760 |pmid=22924983 |quote=Self-control is the capacity to exert control over one's behavior and is necessary for directing personal behavior toward achieving goals.}}</ref> Executive functions are cognitive processes that are necessary for regulating one's behavior in order to achieve specific goals.<ref name="Executive functions2" /><ref name=":0" />

Neuroscientific research has identified the prefrontal cortex as a critical brain region involved in self-control, decision making, and the regulation of impulses.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Miller |first=Earl K. |last2=Cohen |first2=Jonathan D. |year=2001 |title=An integrative theory of prefrontal cortex function |journal=Annual Review of Neuroscience |volume=24 |pages=167–202 |doi=10.1146/annurev.neuro.24.1.167}}</ref>

As an executive function, self-control supports goal-directed behavior, planning, and decision making. In psychology, self-control is often distinguished from the broader construct of self-regulation, which includes the monitoring, adjustment, and maintenance of behavior and emotional states across changing situations<ref>{{Cite web |last=ELS |first=Lisa Catanese |date=2024-08-08 |title=Self-regulation for adults: Strategies for getting a handle on emotions and behavior |url=https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/self-regulation-for-adults-strategies-for-getting-a-handle-on-emotions-and-behavior |access-date=2025-12-05 |website=Harvard Health |language=en}}</ref>.

One influential model has described self-control as operating like a muscle that draws on a limited resource.

In the short term, use of self-control can lead to the depletion of that resource.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Muraven |first1=Mark |last2=Baumeister |first2=Roy F. |date=2000 |title=Self-regulation and depletion of limited resources: Does self-control resemble a muscle? |url=http://doi.apa.org/getdoi.cfm?doi=10.1037/0033-2909.126.2.247 |journal=Psychological Bulletin |language=en |volume=126 |issue=2 |pages=247–259 |doi=10.1037/0033-2909.126.2.247 |pmid=10748642 |bibcode=2000PsycB.126..247M |issn=1939-1455 |url-access=subscription}}</ref> However, recent research has questioned the strength and consistency of the ego depletion effect, suggesting that motivational and contextual factors may play a significant role.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Hagger |first=Martin S. |last2=Chatzisarantis |first2=Nikolaos L. D. |last3=Alberts |first3=Hugo |last4=Anggono |first4=Christine O. |year=2016 |title=A multilab preregistered replication of the ego-depletion effect |journal=Perspectives on Psychological Science |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=546–573 |doi=10.1177/1745691616652873}}</ref> However, in the long term, the use of self-control can strengthen and improve the ability to control oneself over time.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Muraven |first1=Mark |last2=Baumeister |first2=Roy F. |last3=Tice |first3=Dianne M. |date=August 1999 |title=Longitudinal Improvement of Self-Regulation Through Practice: Building Self-Control Strength Through Repeated Exercise |url= |journal=The Journal of Social Psychology |language=en |volume=139 |issue=4 |pages=446–457 |doi=10.1080/00224549909598404 |pmid=10457761 |issn=0022-4545}}</ref>

Self-control is also a key concept in the general theory of crime, a major theory in criminology. The theory was developed by Michael Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi in their book ''A General Theory of Crime'' (1990). Gottfredson and Hirschi define self-control as the differentiating tendency of individuals to avoid criminal acts independent of the situations in which they find themselves.<ref>{{Cite book|title=A General Theory of Crime|url=https://archive.org/details/generaltheoryofc00gott|url-access=registration| vauthors = Gottfredson M, Hirschi T |publisher=Stanford University Press|year=1990|page=[https://archive.org/details/generaltheoryofc00gott/page/87 87]}}</ref> Individuals with low self-control tend to be impulsive, inconsiderate towards others, risk takers, short-sighted, and nonverbal-oriented. About 70 percent of the variance in questionnaire measures of this construct of self-control has been found to be attributable to genetic factors.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Willems YE, Dolan CV, van Beijsterveldt CE, de Zeeuw EL, Boomsma DI, Bartels M, Finkenauer C | title = Genetic and Environmental Influences on Self-Control: Assessing Self-Control with the ASEBA Self-Control Scale | journal = Behavior Genetics | volume = 48 | issue = 2 | pages = 135–146 | date = March 2018 | pmid = 29404830 | pmc = 5846837 | doi = 10.1007/s10519-018-9887-1 }}</ref>

==Self-control in science ==

===Counteractive self-control===

Counteractive self-control theory focuses on how desires interact with goals. Counteractive self-control theory proposes that people activate self-control mechanisms when they encounter temptations that threaten their long-term goals.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Trope |first=Yaacov |last2=Fishbach |first2=Ayelet |year=2000 |title=Counteractive self-control in overcoming temptation |journal=Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume=79 |issue=4 |pages=493–506 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.79.4.493}}</ref> Desire is an affectively charged motivation toward a certain object, person, or activity, often, but not limited to, one associated with pleasure or relief from displeasure.<ref name="Kavanagh 2005">{{cite journal | vauthors = Kavanagh DJ, Andrade J, May J | title = Imaginary relish and exquisite torture: the elaborated intrusion theory of desire | journal = Psychological Review | volume = 112 | issue = 2 | pages = 446–467 | date = April 2005 | pmid = 15783293 | doi = 10.1037/0033-295X.112.2.446 | hdl = 10026.1/988 | url = http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/509/1/mayj7.pdf | hdl-access = free | access-date = 2024-03-15 | archive-date = 2024-06-12 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20240612000958/http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/509/1/mayj7.pdf | url-status = live }}</ref> Desires differ in their intensity and longevity. A desire becomes a temptation when pursuing it would conflict with an individual’s goals.<ref name="Everyday temptations: an experience">{{cite journal | vauthors = Hofmann W, Baumeister RF, Förster G, Vohs KD | title = Everyday temptations: an experience sampling study of desire, conflict, and self-control | journal = Journal of Personality and Social Psychology | volume = 102 | issue = 6 | pages = 1318–1335 | date = June 2012 | pmid = 22149456 | doi = 10.1037/a0026545 | s2cid = 6840182 }}</ref><ref name="Hofmann_2012">{{cite journal | vauthors = Hofmann W, Van Dillen L |year=2012 |title= Desire: The new hot spot in self-control research |journal= Current Directions in Psychological Science |volume= 21 |issue=5 |pages= 317–22 |doi= 10.1177/0963721412453587 |s2cid=220399022 }}</ref> One limitation in researching desire is that people experience a wide variety of desires, which differ in frequency, strength, and relevance to personal goals. In a large experience-sampling study, 7,827 desire reports were collected over one week, capturing variation in desire intensity, the degree of conflict with other goals, and the likelihood of resisting a desire successfully. The most common and strongly felt desires were those related to bodily needs such as eating, drinking, and sleeping.<ref name="Hofmann_2012"/><ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Hofmann W, Vohs KD, Baumeister RF | title = What people desire, feel conflicted about, and try to resist in everyday life | journal = Psychological Science | volume = 23 | issue = 6 | pages = 582–588 | date = June 2012 | pmid = 22547657 | doi = 10.1177/0956797612437426 | s2cid = 24158524 }}</ref>

Self-control dilemmas occur when long-term goals clash with short-term outcomes. In psychology, such conflicts are often referred to as self-control dilemmas, where immediate desires compete with long-term goals.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Baumeister |first=Roy F. |last2=Vohs |first2=Kathleen D. |last3=Tice |first3=Dianne M. |year=2007 |title=The strength model of self-control |journal=Current Directions in Psychological Science |volume=16 |issue=6 |pages=351–355 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-8721.2007.00534.x}}</ref> Counteractive Self-Control Theory states that when presented with such a dilemma, we lessen the significance of the instant rewards while momentarily increasing the importance of our overall values.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Trope |first1=Yaacov |last2=Fishbach |first2=Ayelet |date=2000 |title=Counteractive self-control in overcoming temptation. |url=http://doi.apa.org/getdoi.cfm?doi=10.1037/0022-3514.79.4.493 |journal=Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |language=en |volume=79 |issue=4 |pages=493–506 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.79.4.493 |pmid=11045735 |issn=1939-1315|url-access=subscription }}</ref> When asked to rate the perceived appeal of different snacks before making a decision, people valued health bars over chocolate bars. However, when asked to do the rankings after having chosen a snack, there was no significant difference of appeal.<ref name="Myrseth_2009">{{cite journal | vauthors = Myrseth KO, Fishbach A, Trope Y | title = Counteractive self-control | journal = Psychological Science | volume = 20 | issue = 2 | pages = 159–163 | date = February 2009 | pmid = 19170939 | doi = 10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02268.x | s2cid = 40224982 }}</ref> Further, when college students completed a questionnaire prior to their course registration deadline, they ranked leisure activities as less important and enjoyable than when they filled out the survey after the deadline passed. The stronger and more available the temptation is, the harsher the devaluation will be.<ref name="Fishbach_2008">{{cite book | vauthors = Fishbach A, Trope Y | date = 2008 | chapter = Implicit and explicit counteractive self-control | veditors = Shah JY, Gardner WL | title = Handbook of motivation science | pages = 281–94 | location = New York| publisher = Guilford Press }}</ref>

One of the most common self-control dilemmas involves the desire for unhealthy or unneeded food consumption versus the desire to maintain long-term health. An indication of unneeded food consumption could be overspending on eating away from home. Not knowing how much to spend, or overspending one's budget on eating out, can be a symptom of a lack of self-control.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Sharma A |title=Self-Rationing Efficiency of Repeated Eating-Out Expenses |journal=Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Research |date=11 January 2017 |volume=41 |issue=3 |pages=259–77 |doi=10.1177/1096348016685612 |s2cid=157779957 }}</ref>

Participants in one study rated a new snack as less healthy when it was described as very tasty rather than only slightly tasty. This evaluation pattern reflects counteractive self-control, where a tempting attribute leads people to devalue that option to support a health goal. In another experiment, participants shown one large bowl of chips—representing a strong temptation—perceived the chips as higher in calories and ate less of them than participants given three smaller bowls containing the same total amount.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Sullivan |first1=Nicolette J. |last2=Huettel |first2=Scott A. |date=2021-07-05 |title=Healthful choices depend on the latency and rate of information accumulation |journal=Nature Human Behaviour |volume=5 |issue=12 |pages=1698–1706 |doi=10.1038/s41562-021-01154-0 |pmid=34226708 |issn=2397-3374}}</ref>

Weak temptations are falsely perceived to be less unhealthy, so self-control is not triggered and desirable actions are more often engaged in; this supports the counteractive self-control theory.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Kroese FM, Evers C, de Ridder DT | title = If it's good it must be bad: the indirect effect of temptation strength on self-control through perceived unhealthiness | journal = Eating Behaviors | volume = 14 | issue = 4 | pages = 522–524 | date = December 2013 | pmid = 24183149 | doi = 10.1016/j.eatbeh.2013.07.006 | hdl-access = free | s2cid = 15969216 | hdl = 1874/380226 }}</ref> Weak temptations present more of a challenge to overcome than strong temptations, because they appear less likely to compromise long-term values.<ref name="Myrseth_2009"/><ref name="Fishbach_2008"/>

===Satiation=== In studies of self-control, satiation refers to the reduction in desire for a particular food following repeated consumption or exposure. In psychology and nutrition research, satiation refers to the process by which continued consumption of a food reduces the motivation to eat more of it.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Herman |first=C. Peter |last2=Polivy |first2=Janet |year=2008 |title=External cues in the control of food intake in humans: the sensory-normative distinction |journal=Physiology & Behavior |volume=94 |issue=5 |pages=722–728 |doi=10.1016/j.physbeh.2008.04.014}}</ref> Satiation is distinct from satiety, which refers to the suppression of hunger after eating and influences the interval before the next meal.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Benelam |first=Bethan |year=2009 |title=Satiation, satiety and their effects on eating behaviour |journal=Nutrition Bulletin |volume=34 |issue=2 |pages=126–173 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-3010.2009.01753.x}}</ref> Satiation rates when eating depend on the interactions of trait self-control and the healthiness of the food. After eating equal amounts of either clearly healthy (raisins and peanuts) or unhealthy (M&Ms and Skittles) snack foods, people who scored higher on trait self-control tests reported feeling significantly less desire to eat more of the unhealthy foods than they did the healthy foods. Those with low trait self-control satiated at the same pace regardless of health value.

Further, when reading a description emphasizing the sweet flavor of their snack, participants with higher trait self-control reported a decrease in desire faster than they did after hearing a description of the healthy benefits of their snack. Once again, those with low self-control satiated at the same rate regardless of the description. Perceiving a food as unhealthy, regardless of its actual health level, relates to faster satiation, but only for people with high trait self-control.

===Construal levels=== High-level construals involve thinking about actions and outcomes in a broad, abstract way, whereas low-level construals involve thinking about them in concrete, detailed terms. These different construal levels influence how individuals activate self-control when facing temptations.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Trope |first1=Yaacov |last2=Liberman |first2=Nira |date=2010 |title=Construal-level theory of psychological distance. |journal=Psychological Review |language=en |volume=117 |issue=2 |pages=440–463 |doi=10.1037/a0018963 |issn=1939-1471 |pmc=3152826 |pmid=20438233}}</ref> Construal Level Theory proposes that psychological distance influences whether people think about events in abstract or concrete terms.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Trope |first=Yaacov |last2=Liberman |first2=Nira |year=2010 |title=Construal-level theory of psychological distance |journal=Psychological Review |volume=117 |issue=2 |pages=440–463 |doi=10.1037/a0018963}}</ref>

Psychological distance may involve thinking about events in terms of time, space, social relationships, or hypothetical situations, all of which can influence self-control decisions.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Liberman |first=Nira |last2=Trope |first2=Yaacov |year=2008 |title=The psychology of transcending the here and now |journal=Science |volume=322 |issue=5905 |pages=1201–1205 |doi=10.1126/science.1161958}}</ref>

One way researchers induce high-level construals is by asking a series of “why?” questions that prompt increasingly abstract responses; low-level construals are elicited with “how?” questions that focus on concrete details. When completing an Implicit Association Test, participants induced into high-level construals pair unhealthy temptations (such as candy bars) with “bad” and healthy options (such as apples) with “good” more quickly than low-level participants. They are also more likely to choose an apple over a candy bar in behavioral tasks. Even without deliberate self-control, simply adopting a high-level construal can reduce the pull of temptations by shifting attention to broader goals and values, such as maintaining a healthy lifestyle.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Fujita K, Han HA | title = Moving beyond deliberative control of impulses: the effect of construal levels on evaluative associations in self-control conflicts | journal = Psychological Science | volume = 20 | issue = 7 | pages = 799–804 | date = July 2009 | pmid = 19493322 | doi = 10.1111/j.1467-9280.2009.02372.x | s2cid = 39986430 }}</ref>

===Human and non-human=== Positive correlation between linguistic capability and self-control has been inferred from experiments with common chimpanzees.<ref>{{multiref2 |1={{cite journal | vauthors = Boysen ST, Berntson GG | title = Responses to quantity: perceptual versus cognitive mechanisms in chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) | journal = Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes | volume = 21 | issue = 1 | pages = 82–86 | date = January 1995 | pmid = 7844508 | doi = 10.1037/0097-7403.21.1.82 | url = https://animalstudiesrepository.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1145&context=acwp_asie | access-date = 2019-08-28 | archive-date = 2017-09-21 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20170921230112/http://animalstudiesrepository.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1145&context=acwp_asie | url-status = live | url-access = subscription }} |2={{cite journal | vauthors = Beran MJ, Savage-Rumbaugh ES, Pate JL, Rumbaugh DM | title = Delay of gratification in chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) | journal = Developmental Psychobiology | volume = 34 | issue = 2 | pages = 119–127 | date = March 1999 | pmid = 10086230 | doi = 10.1002/(sici)1098-2302(199903)34:2<119::aid-dev5>3.0.co;2-p }} }}</ref>

Comparative studies between humans and non-human animals are commonly used to examine the evolutionary and cognitive foundations of self-control.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Stevens |first=Jeffrey R. |last2=Rosati |first2=Alexandra G. |year=2015 |title=The evolution of patience and self-control in animals |journal=Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences |volume=3 |pages=164–170 |doi=10.1016/j.cobeha.2015.02.007}}</ref>

Human self-control research is often modeled using a token economy system, in which individuals earn tokens for desirable behaviors and can later exchange the tokens for various backup, positive reinforcers.<ref name = "Martin_2011">{{cite book | vauthors = Martin G, Pear J | year = 2011 | title = Behavior modification: What it is and how to do it }}</ref> Differences in research designs have raised questions about whether human and non-human studies are always comparable. One procedural difference involves delays in the token-exchange period: non-human subjects can usually access reinforcement immediately, whereas human subjects often wait until the end of a session to exchange tokens.<ref name=":2">{{cite journal | vauthors = Hyten C, Madden GJ, Field DP | title = Exchange delays and impulsive choice in adult humans | journal = Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior | volume = 62 | issue = 2 | pages = 225–233 | date = September 1994 | pmid = 7964366 | pmc = 1334459 | doi = 10.1901/jeab.1994.62-225 }}</ref> When similar delays were imposed on non-human subjects such as pigeons, they responded much like humans, with males showing less self-control than females.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Jackson K, Hackenberg TD | title = Token reinforcement, choice, and self-control in pigeons | journal = Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior | volume = 66 | issue = 1 | pages = 29–49 | date = July 1996 | pmid = 8755699 | pmc = 1284552 | doi = 10.1901/jeab.1996.66-29 }}</ref>

Logue,<ref name = "Logue_1995">{{cite book | vauthors = Logue AW | title = Self-control: Waiting until tomorrow for what you want today. | publisher = Prentice-Hall, Inc | date = 1995 | pages = 34–77}}</ref> whose work is discussed further below, reports that in her research, it was boys who displayed less self-control than girls. She notes that in adulthood, sex differences tend to diminish as individuals become more aware of the consequences associated with impulsive actions. This may suggest that the ability to exert self-control improves with maturity and experience.

Some theorists have noted that impulsive responses can be adaptive in certain contexts, although far less research has examined this possibility compared to work emphasizing the benefits of self-control.<ref name="Logue_1995" />

Self-control has been conceptualized as a measurable human trait, and numerous tests have been developed to assess it.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Duckworth |first1=Angela Lee |last2=Kern |first2=Margaret L. |date=June 2011 |title=A meta-analysis of the convergent validity of self-control measures |url=|journal=Journal of Research in Personality |volume=45 |issue=3 |pages=259–268 |doi=10.1016/j.jrp.2011.02.004 |issn=0092-6566 |pmc=3105910 |pmid=21643479}}</ref> Longitudinal research has found that individuals with higher self-control often achieve better educational, occupational, and psychosocial outcomes, although evidence regarding its long-term health implications is mixed.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Miller GE, Yu T, Chen E, Brody GH | title = Self-control forecasts better psychosocial outcomes but faster epigenetic aging in low-SES youth | journal = Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America | volume = 112 | issue = 33 | pages = 10325–10330 | date = August 2015 | pmid = 26170291 | pmc = 4547243 | doi = 10.1073/pnas.1505063112 | doi-access = free | bibcode = 2015PNAS..11210325M }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |vauthors=Daly M |date=2017-12-31 |title=Can childhood self-control compensate for the health impact of social disadvantage? Results from two cohorts |url=https://www.ehps.net/ehp/index.php/contents/article/view/2796 |journal=European Health Psychologist |pages=787 |language=en |issn=2225-6962 |access-date=2023-09-28 |archive-date=2024-06-12 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240612001032/https://www.ehps.net/ehp/index.php/contents/article/view/2796 |url-status=live }}</ref>

Researchers have also examined how sustained self-control and coping efforts may affect physical health under conditions of chronic stress.<ref>{{cite journal |last=James |first=Sherman A. |year=1994 |title=John Henryism and the health of African-Americans |journal=Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry |volume=18 |issue=2 |pages=163–182 |doi=10.1007/BF01379448}}</ref>

The construct known as ''John Henryism'' describes a high-effort coping style proposed by socio-epidemiologist Sherman James. It characterizes individuals who persistently exert effort to overcome social and economic barriers, even when resources are limited. James’s research linked this coping pattern to elevated risks of hypertension and cardiovascular strain among Black Americans in North Carolina, particularly in contexts of chronic stress and disadvantage.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=James |first1=Sherman A. |author-link1=Sherman A. James |last2=Hartnett |first2=S.A. |last3=Kalsbeek |first3=W.D. |date=1983 |title=John Henryism and blood pressure differences among Black men |journal=Journal of Behavioral Medicine |volume=6 |issue=3 |pages=259–278 |doi=10.1007/BF01315113 |pmid=6633748 |via=SpringerLink}}</ref> The term draws on the American folk hero John Henry, whose legendary death followed intense physical labor; the concept has since been discussed in both academic and popular accounts of stress and health inequalities.<ref>{{cite journal|vauthors=Hamblin J|title=The Paradox of Effort|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2015/07/the-health-cost-of-upward-mobility/398486/|journal=The Atlantic|access-date=6 April 2017|date=2015-07-16|archive-date=2017-04-07|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170407054024/https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2015/07/the-health-cost-of-upward-mobility/398486/|url-status=live}}</ref>

===Alternatives===

Alternative approaches to self-control emphasize modifying emotions, habits, or environments rather than relying solely on effortful inhibition or willpower.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Fujita |first=Kentaro |year=2011 |title=On conceptualizing self-control as more than the effortful inhibition of impulses |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Review |volume=15 |issue=4 |pages=352–366 |doi=10.1177/1088868311411165}}</ref>

Using compassion, gratitude, and healthy pride to create positive emotional motivation can be less stressful, less vulnerable to rationalization, and more likely to succeed than the traditional strategy of using logic and willpower to suppress behavior that resonates emotionally.<ref>{{multiref2 |1={{cite AV media |url=https://think.kera.org/2018/01/16/be-good-for-goodness-sake/ |title=Be Good For Goodness' Sake |date=January 16, 2018 |publisher=KERA-FM Think! |access-date=June 11, 2022 |archive-date=June 24, 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220624225709/https://think.kera.org/2018/01/16/be-good-for-goodness-sake/ |url-status=live }} |2={{cite book |title=Emotional Success: The Power of Gratitude, Compassion, and Pride | vauthors = DeSteno D |year=2019 |publisher=Eamon Dolan Books Paper |isbn=978-1-328-50593-4}} }}</ref> Similarly, the use of healthy habits and strategies that eliminate the need for effortful inhibition reduce reliance on willpower.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Emamzadeh, Arash |title=No Willpower Needed: Proven Techniques to Boost Self-Control {{!}} Psychology Today |url=https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/finding-a-new-home/202412/no-willpower-needed-proven-techniques-to-boost-self-control |access-date=2025-06-14 |website=psychologytoday.com |language=en-US}}</ref>

Behavioral researchers have also emphasized environmental structuring, such as reducing exposure to temptations, as an effective alternative to effortful self-control.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Duckworth |first=Angela L. |last2=Gendler |first2=Tamar Szabó |last3=Gross |first3=James J. |year=2016 |title=Situational strategies for self-control |journal=Perspectives on Psychological Science |volume=11 |issue=1 |pages=35–55 |doi=10.1177/1745691615623247}}</ref>

Philosophical discussions of self-control have also examined whether restraint and emotional moderation should be considered virtues in themselves.<ref>{{cite book |last=Kant |first=Immanuel |title=Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals |translator=Mary Gregor |year=1998 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |isbn=978-0521626958}}</ref>

Philosopher Immanuel Kant, at the beginning of one of his main works, ''Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals'', mentions the term "{{lang|de|Selbstbeherrschung}}"—self-control—in a way such that it does not play a key role in his account of virtue. He argues instead that qualities such as self-control and moderation of affect and passions are mistakenly taken to be absolutely good.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Vujoševiċ |first=Marijana |date=2020-03-01 |title=The Kantian Capacity for Moral Self-Control: Abstraction at Two Levels |url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/agph-2020-1004/html |journal=Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie |language=en |volume=102 |issue=1 |pages=102–130 |doi=10.1515/agph-2020-1004 |issn=1613-0650 |access-date=2024-06-11 |archive-date=2024-06-05 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240605075244/https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/agph-2020-1004/html |url-status=live }}</ref>

== Skinner's survey of techniques ==

B.F. Skinner's ''Science and Human Behavior'' provides a survey of nine categories of self-control methods.<ref name="Skinner_1965">{{cite book |title=Science and Human Behavior |vauthors=Skinner BF |date=1965 |publisher=Simon and Schuster |chapter='Self-Control'}}</ref>

These techniques generally involve altering environmental stimuli, reinforcement patterns, or behavioral responses to improve self-control.

=== Physical restraint and physical aid ===

The manipulation of the environment to make some responses easier to physically execute and others more difficult illustrates this principle. This can be physical guidance: the application of physical contact to induce an individual to go through the motions of a desired behavior. It can also be a physical prompt.<ref name = "Martin_2011" /> Examples of this include clapping one's hand over one's own mouth, placing one's hand in one's pocket to prevent fidgeting, and using a 'bridge' hand position to steady a pool shot; these all represent physical methods to affect behavior.<ref name="Skinner_1965" /> Such techniques are intended to increase behavioral control by restricting impulsive or undesired actions.

=== Changing the stimulus ===

Manipulating the occasion for behaviour may change behaviour as well. Removing distractions that induce undesired actions or adding a prompt to induce them are examples. Hiding temptation and leaving reminders are two more.<ref name="Skinner_1965" /> These strategies aim to reduce exposure to cues that trigger cravings and impulsive behaviors. The need to hide temptation is a result of temptation's effect on the mind.

A common theme among studies of desire is an investigation of the underlying cognitive processes of a craving for an addictive substance, such as nicotine or alcohol. To clarify the cognitive processes involved in craving, researchers developed the Elaborated Intrusion (EI) theory. According to EI, craving persists because individuals develop mental images of the coveted substance that are themselves pleasurable, but which also increase their awareness of deficit.<ref name="May_2004">{{cite journal | vauthors = May J, Andrade J, Panabokke N, Kavanagh D | title = Images of desire: cognitive models of craving | journal = Memory | volume = 12 | issue = 4 | pages = 447–461 | date = July 2004 | pmid = 15493072 | doi = 10.1080/09658210444000061 | s2cid = 20804368 }}</ref><ref name="Hofmann_2012"/> The result is a cruel circle of desire, imagery, and preparation to satisfy the desire. This quickly escalates into greater expression of the imagery that incorporates working memory, interferes with performance on simultaneous cognitive tasks, and strengthens the emotional response. Essentially the mind is consumed by the craving for a desired substance, and this craving in turn interrupts any concurrent cognitive tasks.<ref name="May_2004" /><ref name="Hofmann_2012" /> A craving for nicotine or alcohol is an extreme case, but EI theory also applies to more ordinary motivations and desires.

=== Depriving and satiating === Deprivation refers to a period during which an individual has not received a reinforcer, which increases the reinforcer’s effectiveness. Satiation occurs when an individual has received a reinforcer to the point that it temporarily loses its reinforcing power.<ref name=":2" /><ref>{{cite book |title=The Psychology of BF Skinner |vauthors=O'Donohue W, Ferguson EK |year=2001 |page=174}}</ref> If a stimulus is withheld, its reinforcing value tends to increase. For example, a person deprived of food may go to great lengths to obtain it. Conversely, after eating a large meal, a person may no longer be motivated by the prospect of dessert.

One may manipulate one's own behavior by affecting states of deprivation or satiation. By skipping a meal before a free dinner one may more effectively capitalize on the free meal. By eating a healthy snack beforehand, the temptation to eat free "junk food" is reduced.<ref name="Skinner_1965" />

States of deprivation are often associated with intensified cravings, making self-control more difficult to maintain. Imagery is important in desire cognition during a state of deprivation. One study divided smokers into two groups: The control group was instructed to continue smoking as usual until they arrived at the laboratory, where they were then asked to read a multisensory neutral script (one not related to a craving for nicotine). The experimental group, however, was asked to abstain from smoking before coming to the laboratory in order to induce craving, and upon their arrival were told to read a multisensory urge-induction script intended to intensify their nicotine craving.<ref name="Hofmann_2012" /><ref name="Kavanagh 2005">{{cite journal | vauthors = Kavanagh DJ, Andrade J, May J | title = Imaginary relish and exquisite torture: the elaborated intrusion theory of desire | journal = Psychological Review | volume = 112 | issue = 2 | pages = 446–467 | date = April 2005 | pmid = 15783293 | doi = 10.1037/0033-295X.112.2.446 | hdl = 10026.1/988 | url = http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/509/1/mayj7.pdf | hdl-access = free | access-date = 2024-03-15 | archive-date = 2024-06-12 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20240612000958/http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/509/1/mayj7.pdf | url-status = live }}</ref> After the participants finished reading the script they rated their craving for cigarettes. Next they formulated visual or auditory images when prompted with verbal cues such as "a game of tennis" or "a telephone ringing". After this task the participants again rated their craving for cigarettes. The study found that the craving experienced by the abstaining smokers was decreased to the control group's level by visual imagery but not by auditory imagery alone.<ref name="Hofmann_2012" /><ref name="Kavanagh 2005" /> That mental imagery served to reduce the level of craving in smokers suggests that it can be used as a method of self-control during times of deprivation.

=== Manipulating emotional conditions ===

Manipulating emotional conditions can induce certain ways of responding.<ref name="ReferenceB">{{ cite book | vauthors = O'Donohue W, Ferguson EK | year = 2001 | title= The Psychology of BF Skinner| page=305 }}</ref> One example of this can be seen in theatre. Actors often elicit tears from their own painful memories if it is necessary for the character they are playing to cry. One may read a letter or book, listen to music, or watch a movie, in order to get in the proper state of mind for a certain event or function.<ref name="Martin_2011"/> Additionally, considering an activity either as "work" or as "fun" can have an effect on the difficulty of self-control.<ref>{{cite journal |doi=10.1086/656576 |title=Work or Fun? How Task Construal and Completion Influence Regulatory Behavior |year=2011 | vauthors = Laran J, Janiszewski C | journal = The Journal of Consumer Research |volume=37 |issue=6 |pages=967–83}}</ref>

Cognitive reinterpretation of an object or situation can alter its emotional significance and influence the strength of desire. To analyze the possible effects of the cognitive transformation of an object on desire, a study was conducted on 71 undergraduate students, all of whom were familiar with a particular chocolate product. The participants were randomly assigned to one of three groups: the control condition, the consummatory condition, and the non-consummatory transformation condition.<ref name="Hofmann_2012" /><ref name="Hofmann 2010">{{cite journal | vauthors = Hofmann W, Deutsch R, Lancaster K, Banaji MR |title=Cooling the heat of temptation: Mental self-control and the automatic evaluation of tempting stimuli |journal=European Journal of Social Psychology |year=2010 |volume=40 |issue=40 |pages=17–25 |doi=10.1002/ejsp.708 |url=http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33471128 }}</ref> Each group was then given three minutes to complete their assigned task. The participants in the control condition were told to read a neutral article, about a location in South America, that was devoid of any words associated with food consumption. Those in the consummatory condition were instructed to imagine as clearly as possible how consuming the chocolate would taste and feel. The participants in the non-consummatory transformation condition were told to imagine as clearly as possible odd settings or uses for the chocolate. Next, all the participants underwent a manipulation task that required them to rate their mood on a five-point scale in response to ten items they viewed. Following the manipulation task, participants completed automatic evaluations that measured their reaction time to six different images of the chocolate, each of which was paired with a positive or a negative stimuli. The results showed that the participants instructed to imagine the consumption of the chocolate demonstrated higher automatic evaluations toward the chocolate, as measured by faster reaction times to positive chocolate-related stimuli, than did the participants told to imagine odd settings or uses for the chocolate, and participants in the control condition fell in-between the two experimental conditions.<ref name="Hofmann_2012" /><ref name="Hofmann 2010" /> This indicates that the manner in which one considers an item influences how much it is desired.

=== Using aversive stimulation ===

Aversive stimulation is used as a means of increasing or decreasing the likelihood of target behavior.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> In self-control contexts, aversive consequences may be used to discourage impulsive or undesirable behaviors. An aversive stimulus is sometimes referred to as a "punisher" or an "aversive". Punishment in behavioral psychology is defined in terms of its effect on behavior. A behavior is considered punished when it is followed by a consequence that reduces the likelihood of that behavior occurring again.<ref name="Martin_2011" /> For example, if a teenager stays out past curfew and their parents respond by grounding them, the grounding functions as a punisher that is intended to decrease the chance of the teenager repeating the behavior.

=== Drugs ===

In behavioral psychology, drugs are viewed as variables that can alter the strength or likelihood of operant behavior by affecting how an individual responds to reinforcement or punishment. Some drugs increase a person’s capacity for inhibitory control, which can reduce impulsive responses, while others impair this capacity and weaken self-control. Because drug effects can change the rate at which behaviors occur, they are sometimes studied as antecedent conditions that modify how reinforcement functions in a given situation. The effects of drugs on self-control often depend on dosage, individual differences, and environmental context.

Research on drug effects has shown that low therapeutic doses of stimulant medications, including methylphenidate and amphetamine can improve inhibitory control and are therefore used clinically to treat ADHD.<ref>{{multiref2 |1={{cite journal | vauthors = Spencer RC, Devilbiss DM, Berridge CW | title = The cognition-enhancing effects of psychostimulants involve direct action in the prefrontal cortex | journal = Biological Psychiatry | volume = 77 | issue = 11 | pages = 940–950 | date = June 2015 | pmid = 25499957 | pmc = 4377121 | doi = 10.1016/j.biopsych.2014.09.013 }} |2={{cite journal | vauthors = Ilieva IP, Hook CJ, Farah MJ | title = Prescription Stimulants' Effects on Healthy Inhibitory Control, Working Memory, and Episodic Memory: A Meta-analysis | journal = Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience | volume = 27 | issue = 6 | pages = 1069–1089 | date = June 2015 | pmid = 25591060 | doi = 10.1162/jocn_a_00776 | quote = Specifically, in a set of experiments limited to high-quality designs, we found significant enhancement of several cognitive abilities.... The results of this meta-analysis... do confirm the reality of cognitive enhancing effects for normal healthy adults in general, while also indicating that these effects are modest in size. | s2cid = 15788121 }} }}</ref> In contrast, very high doses of amphetamine can disrupt working memory and interfere with self-control.<ref>Malenka RC, Nestler EJ, Hyman SE (2009). "Chapter 13: Higher Cognitive Function and Behavioral Control". In Sydor A, Brown RY (eds.). ''Molecular Neuropharmacology: A Foundation for Clinical Neuroscience'' (2nd ed.). New York, US: McGraw-Hill Medical. pp. 318, 321. {{ISBN|9780071481274}}. <q>Therapeutic (relatively low) doses of psychostimulants, such as methylphenidate and amphetamine, improve performance on working memory tasks both in normal subjects and those with ADHD. ... stimulants act not only on working memory function, but also on general levels of arousal and, within the nucleus accumbens, improve the saliency of tasks. Thus, stimulants improve performance on effortful but tedious tasks ... through indirect stimulation of dopamine and norepinephrine receptors. ...</q>

<q>Beyond these general permissive effects, dopamine (acting via D1 receptors) and norepinephrine (acting at several receptors) can, at optimal levels, enhance working memory and aspects of attention.</q></ref><ref>Wood S, Sage JR, Shuman T, Anagnostaras SG (January 2014). "Psychostimulants and cognition: a continuum of behavioral and cognitive activation". ''Pharmacological Reviews''. '''66''' (1): 193–221. doi:10.1124/pr.112.007054. PMC 3880463. PMID 24344115.</ref> Alcohol has also been shown to impair self-control.<ref>{{cite web |vauthors=Farnsworth C |title=Is alcohol a stimulant or depressant? Definition and more |url=https://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/is-alcohol-a-stimulant-or-depressant |website=medicalnewstoday.com |access-date=21 November 2023 |language=en |date=7 October 2022 |archive-date=2 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230602075230/https://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/is-alcohol-a-stimulant-or-depressant |url-status=live }}</ref> These findings illustrate how pharmacological factors can influence the conditions under which self-controlled or impulsive behaviors occur.

=== Operant conditioning ===

Operant conditioning is a process in which behavior changes according to the consequences that follow it, which increase or decrease its future likelihood.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> In self-control contexts, operant conditioning techniques are often used to reinforce desirable behaviors and reduce impulsive or maladaptive responses. A behavior that is altered by its consequences is known as operant behavior.<ref name = "Martin_2011" /> There are multiple components of operant conditioning. These include reinforcement such as positive reinforcers and negative reinforcers. A positive reinforcer is a stimulus which, when presented immediately following a behavior, causes the behavior to increase in frequency. Negative reinforcers are stimuli whose removal immediately after a response cause the response to be strengthened or to increase in frequency. Components of punishment are also included, such as positive punishment and negative punishment.<ref name="Martin_2011"/> For example, if a student tells a joke and classmates laugh, the increase in social approval makes the student more likely to tell jokes in the future. If the response is negative, such as criticism or disapproval, the likelihood of telling another joke decreases.

=== Self-punishment ===

Self-punishment refers to arranging a punishing consequence for one’s own behavior in order to reduce its future likelihood. In Skinner’s account, this differs from the use of aversive stimulation because it is applied ''after'' the behavior rather than beforehand. For example, a person may impose a corrective task or unpleasant consequence on themselves following a response they want to discourage. In operant terms, the individual is attempting to decrease a behavior by linking it to a self-selected punishing outcome.<ref name = "Skinner_1965" />

Skinner noted that punishment is generally an ineffective method of self-control. Although punishment can suppress a behavior temporarily, it does not eliminate it and often produces unwanted effects such as avoidance or emotional responses. Punishment also fails to teach alternative behaviors and tends to shift control to external consequences rather than helping a person arrange their own behavior. For these reasons, Skinner regarded punishment as a weak and unreliable strategy for managing one’s own actions.<ref name = "Logue_1995"/> Skinner argued that reinforcement-based strategies are generally more effective than punishment for producing lasting behavioral change.<ref>{{cite book |last=Skinner |first=B. F. |title=Science and Human Behavior |year=1953 |publisher=Macmillan |location=New York}}</ref>

=== Incompatible responses ("doing something else") ===

Skinner described another self-control technique in which a person engages in a behavior that is incompatible with the action they wish to prevent.<ref name="Skinner_1965" /> By performing an alternative response that cannot occur at the same time as the undesired one, the individual reduces the likelihood of the unwanted behavior. This strategy works by redirecting attention and motor activity away from the undesired response. For example, a person might feel the impulse to engage in an unwanted habit for which they use their hands and choose to distract themselves by doing something else that also engages the hands, such as writing or a craft-based activity.

==Brain regions involved== Functional imaging of the brain has shown that self-control correlates with activity in an area in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC), a part of the frontal lobe. Self-control is thought to depend on interactions among multiple brain systems involved in attention, motivation, decision making, and behavioral inhibition.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Heatherton |first=Todd F. |last2=Wagner |first2=Dylan D. |year=2011 |title=Cognitive neuroscience of self-regulation failure |journal=Trends in Cognitive Sciences |volume=15 |issue=3 |pages=132–139 |doi=10.1016/j.tics.2010.12.005}}</ref> This area is distinct from those involved in generating intentional actions or selecting between alternatives.<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Brass M, Haggard P | title = To do or not to do: the neural signature of self-control | journal = The Journal of Neuroscience | volume = 27 | issue = 34 | pages = 9141–9145 | date = August 2007 | pmid = 17715350 | pmc = 6672190 | doi = 10.1523/JNEUROSCI.0924-07.2007 }}</ref> Self-control occurs through top-down inhibition of the premotor cortex,<ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Kühn S, Haggard P, Brass M | title = Intentional inhibition: how the "veto-area" exerts control | journal = Human Brain Mapping | volume = 30 | issue = 9 | pages = 2834–2843 | date = September 2009 | pmid = 19072994 | pmc = 6870995 | doi = 10.1002/hbm.20711 }}</ref> involving perception and mental effort to rein in behavior and action as opposed to allowing emotions or sensory experience (bottom-up) to control and drive behavior. Researchers propose differing models of how self-control operates and develops. One account emphasises a bottom-up approach, relying on sensory experience and immediate stimuli to guide self-control behavior. The more time a person spends thinking about a rewarding stimulus, the more likely he or she will experience a desire for it. Information judged as important is more likely to enter working memory, where it can be processed through top-down mechanisms.<ref>{{multiref2|1={{cite journal | vauthors = Miller BT, D'Esposito M | title = Searching for "the top" in top-down control | journal = Neuron | volume = 48 | issue = 4 | pages = 535–538 | date = November 2005 | pmid = 16301170 | doi = 10.1016/j.neuron.2005.11.002 | doi-access = free }} |2={{cite journal | vauthors = Knudsen EI | title = Fundamental components of attention | journal = Annual Review of Neuroscience | volume = 30 | pages = 57–78 | year = 2007 | pmid = 17417935 | doi = 10.1146/annurev.neuro.30.051606.094256 | s2cid = 9875095 }} }}</ref> Evidence suggests that top-down processing plays a strong role in self-control. Top-down processing can regulate bottom-up attentional mechanisms. To demonstrate this, researchers studied working memory and distraction by presenting participants with neutral or negative pictures and then a math problem or no task. They found that participants reported less negative moods after solving the math problem compared to the no task group, which they attributed to an influence on working memory capacity.<ref name="Hofmann_2012"/><ref>{{cite journal | vauthors = Van Dillen LF, Koole SL | title = Clearing the mind: a working memory model of distraction from negative mood | journal = Emotion | volume = 7 | issue = 4 | pages = 715–723 | date = November 2007 | pmid = 18039038 | doi = 10.1037/1528-3542.7.4.715 | hdl = 1871/17092 | url = https://research.vu.nl/en/publications/88f9454c-6fe6-4d34-a452-e8e637e73b58 | access-date = 2024-03-15 | archive-date = 2024-06-12 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20240612001105/https://research.vu.nl/en/publications/clearing-the-mind-a-working-memory-model-of-distraction-from-nega | url-status = live }}</ref>

Researchers use a wide range of methods to investigate the neural basis of self-control, including fMRI studies in humans, electrophysiological recordings in animals, lesion studies, and clinical observations.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Heatherton |first1=Todd F. |last2=Wagner |first2=Dylan D. |date=March 2011 |title=Cognitive neuroscience of self-regulation failure |journal=Trends in Cognitive Sciences |language=en |volume=15 |issue=3 |pages=132–139 |doi=10.1016/j.tics.2010.12.005 |pmc=3062191 |pmid=21273114}}</ref> Much of this research relies on tasks that measure general executive functions rather than self-control directly, such as response inhibition and decision-making paradigms.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Diamond |first=Adele |date=2013-01-03 |title=Executive Functions |journal=Annual Review of Psychology |language=en |volume=64 |issue=1 |pages=135–168 |doi=10.1146/annurev-psych-113011-143750 |issn=0066-4308 |pmc=4084861 |pmid=23020641}}</ref> Although these tasks are not specific to self-control, they provide insight into the cognitive and neural processes that support it.

===Prefrontal cortex===

The prefrontal cortex is located in the most anterior portion of the frontal lobe. It constitutes a larger proportion of the cortex in humans, taking up about a third of the cortex, and being far more complex than in other animals.<ref>{{Citation |last1=Fariba |first1=Kamron A. |title=Impulse Control Disorders |date=2024 |work=StatPearls |url=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK562279/ |access-date=2024-03-14 |place=Treasure Island (FL) |publisher=StatPearls Publishing |pmid=32965950 |last2=Gokarakonda |first2=Srinivasa B. |archive-date=2024-05-15 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240515193844/https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK562279/ |url-status=live }}</ref> The dendrites in the prefrontal cortex contain up to 16 times more dendritic spines per neuron than in other cortical areas. This high number of dendritic spines supports the integration of diverse information in the prefrontal cortex.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Bechara |first=A. |date=2000-03-01 |title=Emotion, Decision Making and the Orbitofrontal Cortex |url=https://academic.oup.com/cercor/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/cercor/10.3.295 |journal=Cerebral Cortex |volume=10 |issue=3 |pages=295–307 |doi=10.1093/cercor/10.3.295 |pmid=10731224 }}</ref> The orbitofrontal cortex contributes to self-control by evaluating the relative value of immediate versus delayed rewards. When individuals choose a larger delayed reward over a smaller immediate one, the orbitofrontal cortex supports the suppression of the immediate impulse. Damage to this area weakens this process, making immediate reinforcement more likely. Lack of impulse control in children may reflect the low developmental trajectory of the prefrontal cortex.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Casey |first1=BJ |last2=Tottenham |first2=N |last3=Liston |first3=C |last4=Durston |first4=S |title=Imaging the developing brain: what have we learned? |journal=Trends in Cognitive Sciences |date=2005 |volume=9 |issue=3 |pages=104–110 |doi=10.1016/j.tics.2005.01.011 |pmid=15737818}}</ref>

Todd A. Hare ''et al.'' use functional MRI to examine how prefrontal regions contribute to self-control. They found that the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (vmPFC) represented the subjective value of available options, including immediate, pleasurable rewards. Successful self-control involved increased engagement of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC), which modulated vmPFC activity to favor choices aligned with longer-term goals. Reduced dlPFC recruitment was associated with poorer self-control performance.<ref name="Hare 2009">{{cite journal | vauthors = Hare TA, Camerer CF, Rangel A | title = Self-control in decision-making involves modulation of the vmPFC valuation system | journal = Science | volume = 324 | issue = 5927 | pages = 646–648 | date = May 2009 | pmid = 19407204 | doi = 10.1126/science.1168450 | s2cid = 16315024 | bibcode = 2009Sci...324..646H | url = https://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechAUTHORS:20090507-092742291 | access-date = 2024-03-15 | archive-date = 2024-06-12 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20240612000958/https://authors.library.caltech.edu/records/7tz9d-bf497 | url-status = live }}</ref>

===Outcome factors influencing choice===

Alexandra W. Logue has described how characteristics of outcomes influence whether people choose a self-controlled option. She identifies three main outcome dimensions: delay, size, and contingency.<ref name="Logue_1995"/> ; outcome delays : A delay in a positive outcome results in the perception that the outcome is less valuable than an outcome available immediately. The devaluing of the delayed outcome can reduce self-control. One way to increase self-control in situations involving delayed outcomes is to pre-expose or partially provide the outcome, which reduces the frustration associated with waiting. Signing bonuses are an example of this strategy, because they give part of a reward upfront to increase commitment to a delayed benefit.

; outcome size : Outcome size refers to the magnitude of the reward. Larger outcomes are typically judged as more valuable than smaller ones. Factors such as delay, effort and uncertainty can decrease the perceived value of an outcome, and people generally choose the option that carries the highest perceived value at the time of the decision.

; outcome contingencies : Outcome contingencies refer to the relationship between a person's actions and the outcomes they produce. People are more likely to choose impulsively when the contingency allows them to change their decision after the fact. By contrast, self-control improves when the contingency is arranged so that only the self-controlled response leads to the desired outcome. Precommitment actions illustrate this principle. For example, when someone sets an alarm clock to ensure they get up early, they are creating a contingency that supports the later self-controlled choice to wake up rather than stay in bed.

Cassandra B. Whyte studied locus of control, which refers to whether people attribute outcomes to their own actions (internal locus) or to external forces beyond their control (external locus). She found that students with a more internal locus of control performed better academically, and argued that this was because they believed their choices could meaningfully influence results. When people expect outcomes to follow from their own behavior, they tend to engage more actively in decision-making than when outcomes are seen as externally determined.<ref>{{multiref2 |1={{cite thesis | vauthors = Whyte CB | title = A Specific Study of the Effects of Three Modes of Counseling on the Academic Achievement and Internal External Locus of Control of High-Risk College Freshmen | degree = Education Ph.D.| date = 1975 | publisher = West Virginia University | quote = Dissertation Abstracts 48106 }} |2={{cite journal | vauthors = Whyte CB | year = 1978 | title = Effective Counseling Methods for High-Risk College Freshmen | journal = Measurement and Evaluation in Guidance | volume = 6 | issue = 4| pages = 198–200 | doi = 10.1080/00256307.1978.12022132}} }}</ref>

===Glucose and self control===

Research has proposed that self-control performance may be influenced by glucose availability in the brain. Early studies reported that engaging in acts of self-control reduced circulating glucose, and that lower glucose levels or reduced glucose tolerance were associated with poorer performance on subsequent self-control tasks, particularly under demanding or novel conditions.<ref name="GailliotBaumeister2007">{{cite journal |vauthors=Gailliot MT, Baumeister RF |date=November 2007 |title=The physiology of willpower: linking blood glucose to self-control |url=http://carlo-hamalainen.net/stuff/Gailliot%20Baumeister%20-%20The%20physiology%20of%20willpower:%20linking%20blood%20glucose%20to%20self-control.pdf |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Review |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=303–327 |citeseerx=10.1.1.475.9484 |doi=10.1177/1088868307303030 |pmid=18453466 |s2cid=14380313 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130628195739/http://carlo-hamalainen.net/stuff/Gailliot%20Baumeister%20-%20The%20physiology%20of%20willpower%3A%20linking%20blood%20glucose%20to%20self-control.pdf |archive-date=2013-06-28}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Gailliot |first1=Matthew T. |last2=Baumeister |first2=Roy F. |last3=DeWall |first3=C. Nathan |last4=Maner |first4=Jon K. |last5=Plant |first5=E. Ashby |last6=Tice |first6=Dianne M. |last7=Brewer |first7=Lauren E. |last8=Schmeichel |first8=Brandon J. |date=2007 |title=Self-control relies on glucose as a limited energy source: Willpower is more than a metaphor. |url=https://doi.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0022-3514.92.2.325 |journal=Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |language=en |volume=92 |issue=2 |pages=325–336 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.92.2.325 |pmid=17279852 |issn=1939-1315}}</ref> These findings formed the basis of the glucose-depletion model, which proposed that self-control is metabolically costly and reliant on accessible glucose.

A competing account argues that the key factor is not total glucose supply but the ''allocation'' of glucose to effortful tasks.<ref name=":1">{{cite journal | vauthors = Beedie CJ, Lane AM | title = The role of glucose in self-control: another look at the evidence and an alternative conceptualization | journal = Personality and Social Psychology Review | volume = 16 | issue = 2 | pages = 143–153 | date = May 2012 | pmid = 21896791 | doi = 10.1177/1088868311419817 | s2cid = 206682683 }}</ref> Under this view, the brain generally has sufficient metabolic resources, but motivational priorities determine whether glucose is directed to mechanisms supporting self-control. As of 2024, this allocation-based model has not been empirically tested.<ref name=":1" />

== "Marshmallow test" == The ''marshmallow test'' refers to a series of delay-of-gratification studies begun by Walter Mischel and colleagues at the Stanford Bing Nursery School in the late 1960s.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Mischel |first1=Walter |last2=Ebbesen |first2=Ebbe B |date=1970 |title=Attention in delay of gratification |journal=Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |publisher=American Psychological Association |volume=16 |issue=2 |pages=329–337 |doi=10.1037/h0029815}}</ref> In these experiments, preschool children were offered a single marshmallow immediately, or a larger reward if they waited for a specified period. The procedure aimed to measure children’s ability to delay gratification under controlled conditions.

Follow-up studies of the original preschool participants in adolescence and adulthood reported that longer waiting times in the initial marshmallow test were modestly associated with later academic achievement, social functioning, and self-regulation.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Shoda |first1=Yuichi |last2=Mischel |first2=Walter |last3=Peake |first3=Philip K |date=1990 |title=Predicting adolescent cognitive and self-regulatory competencies from preschool delay of gratification: Identifying diagnostic conditions |journal=Developmental Psychology |volume=26 |issue=6 |pages=978–986 |doi=10.1037/0012-1649.26.6.978}}</ref> These associations were correlational, and later work emphasized that delay behavior reflects a combination of cognitive strategies, temperament, and environmental reliability rather than a stable trait.

Later research extended the delay-of-gratification paradigm using neuroimaging. A study by Casey and colleagues (2011) examined adults who had participated in earlier delay-of-gratification studies and found that individuals who had shown lower delay ability in childhood exhibited greater ventral striatal activation during tasks involving immediate rewards, whereas higher delayers showed increased recruitment of prefrontal control regions.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Casey |first1=BJ |last2=Somerville |first2=LH |last3=Gotlib |first3=IH |last4=Ayduk |first4=O |last5=Franklin |first5=NT |last6=Askren |first6=MK |last7=Jonides |first7=J |display-authors=6 |date=2011 |title=Behavioral and neural correlates of delay of gratification 40 years later |journal=Nature Neuroscience |volume=15 |issue=7 |pages=1070–1076 |doi=10.1038/nn.2796 |pmid=21460833 |pmc=3329121 }}</ref> These neural differences were observed during a go/no-go task rather than a repetition of the original marshmallow test, and do not indicate that the original participants underwent MRI scanning in childhood.

The interpretation of the marshmallow test was later reassessed in a large replication study by Watts, Duncan, and Quan (2018).<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Watts |first1=Tyler W |last2=Dunccan |first2=Greg J |last3=Quan |first3=Haonan |date=2018 |title=Revisiting the marshmallow test: A conceptual replication investigating links between early delay of gratification and later outcomes |journal=Psychological Science |volume=29 |issue=7 |pages=1159–1177 |doi=10.1037/dev0000503 |pmid=29595307 |hdl=10138/310186 }}</ref> Using a more socioeconomically diverse sample and extensive controls for family background, cognitive ability, and early environment, the authors found that the predictive power of delay time was substantially reduced. Once these factors were accounted for, delay behavior showed only small associations with later outcomes. This work suggested that what appeared to be a stable individual difference in self-control was instead strongly influenced by contextual variables, including household reliability and resource stability.

== Ego depletion == {{main|Ego depletion}}

Ego depletion is a hypothesis which proposes that performing acts of self-control temporarily reduces a person's capacity for subsequent self-control.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Baumeister |first1=Roy F. |last2=Bratslavsky |first2=Ellen |last3=Muraven |first3=Mark |last4=Tice |first4=Dianne M. |date=1998 |title=Ego depletion: Is the active self a limited resource? |url=https://doi.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0022-3514.74.5.1252 |journal=Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |language=en |volume=74 |issue=5 |pages=1252–1265 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.74.5.1252 |pmid=9599441 |bibcode=1998JPSP...74.1252B |issn=1939-1315}}</ref> Early experiments suggested that sustained self-regulation could impair later performance,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Muraven |first1=Mark |last2=Tice |first2=Dianne M. |last3=Baumeister |first3=Roy F. |date=1998 |title=Self-control as a limited resource: Regulatory depletion patterns. |url=https://doi.apa.org/doi/10.1037/0022-3514.74.3.774 |journal=Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |language=en |volume=74 |issue=3 |pages=774–789 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.74.3.774 |pmid=9523419 |issn=1939-1315}}</ref> and various interventions were explored to mitigate these affects, including practising self-awareness,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Alberts |first1=Hugo JEM |last2=Martijn |first2=Carolien |last3=de Vries |first3=Nico K |date=2011 |title=Fighting self-control failure: Overcoming ego depletion by increasing self-awareness |journal=Journal of Experimental Social Psychology |volume=47 |issue=1 |pages=58–62 |doi=10.1016/j.jesp.2010.08.004}}</ref> motivational incentives,<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Muraven |first1=ElisavetaMark |last2=Slessareva |first2=Elisaveta |date=2003 |title=Mechanisms of self-control failure: Motivation and limited resources |journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin |volume=29 |issue=7 |pages=894–906 |doi=10.1177/0146167203029007008 |pmid=15018677 }}</ref> and self-control training.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Oaten |first1=Megan |last2=Cheng |first2=Ken |date=2006 |title=Longitudinal gains in self-regulation from regular physical exercise |journal=British Journal of Health Psychology |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=717–733 |doi=10.1348/135910705X71476 |doi-broken-date=8 December 2025 }}</ref>

However, there is conflicting evidence about whether ego depletion is a real effect; meta-analyses have mostly found no evidence that the effect exists.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Carter |first1=Evan C. |last2=McCullough |first2=Michael E. |date=2014-07-30 |title=Publication bias and the limited strength model of self-control: has the evidence for ego depletion been overestimated? |journal=Frontiers in Psychology |volume=5 |page=823 |doi=10.3389/fpsyg.2014.00823 |doi-access=free |issn=1664-1078 |pmc=4115664 |pmid=25126083}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Hagger |first1=Martin S |last2=Chatzisarantis |first2=Nikos LD |last3=Alberts |first3=Hugo |last4=Anggono |first4=Colette O |last5=Batailler |first5=Cédric |last6=Birt |first6=Aimee R |last7=Brand |first7=Ralf |display-authors=6 |date=2016 |title=A multi-lab test of the ego-depletion effect |journal=Perspectives on Psychological Science |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=546–573 |doi=10.1177/1745691616652873 |pmid=27474142 }}</ref>

==Self-control in philosophy and theology== Aristotle spoke about self-control as a key value that can guide decision making and support a good life.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Sytsma |first=David S. |date=2021 |title=Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Protestantism |url=https://www.academia.edu/49862203 |journal=Academia Letters |doi=10.20935/AL1650 |issn=2771-9359|doi-access=free }}</ref> He contrasted self-control with the vice of {{transliteration|grc|akrasia}} which he described as acting against one's better judgment.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Aristotle's Ethics > Alternate Readings of Aristotle on Akrasia (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) |url=https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/aristotle-ethics/supplement1.html |access-date=2025-12-05 |website=plato.stanford.edu |language=en}}</ref>. In his ''Nicomachean Ethics'', Aristotle discussed the significance of this value in leading a virtuous life<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Di Basilio |first=Giulio |date=2021-01-02 |title=Aristotle on the voluntariness of self-control and the lack of self-control (EE II 8, 1224a7-1225a2) |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2020.1748567 |journal=British Journal for the History of Philosophy |volume=29 |issue=1 |pages=4–23 |doi=10.1080/09608788.2020.1748567 |issn=0960-8788|url-access=subscription }}</ref>. Similarly, Plato wrote about self-control in relation to both mental and physical pleasures<ref>{{Cite web |date=2025-08-17 |title=The Ethics of Self-Control in Plato's Dialogues |url=https://www.planksip.org/the-ethics-of-self-control-in-platos-dialogues/ |access-date=2025-12-05 |website=planksip® |language=en}}</ref>.

Examples of self-control as a virtue appear in Aristotle's treatment of temperance, which involves having a well-chosen and well-regulated set of desires. The vices associated with failures of temperance are self-indulgence (excess) and insensibility (deficiency). Deficiency or excess refers to the degree to which temperance is present. For example, a deficiency of temperance leads to overindulgence, while too much restraint can result in insensitivity or unreasonable control. Aristotle used the following analogy: the intemperate person is like a city with bad laws; the person without self-control is like a city with good laws that are not enforced.<ref>{{cite book |author=Aristotle |title=Nicomachean Ethics |at=[https://standardebooks.org/ebooks/aristotle/nicomachean-ethics/f-h-peters/text/book-7#chapter-7-1-10 VII.10]}}</ref>

== References == {{Reflist|30em}}

== Further reading == {{refbegin}} * {{cite book | vauthors = Baumeister RF, Tierney J|title=Willpower: Rediscovering the Greatest Human Strength |year=2012 }} * {{cite journal |vauthors = Ameriks A, Caplin A, Leahy J, Tyler T |title=Measuring Self-Control Problems |journal=American Economic Review |volume=97 |issue=3 |year=2007 |pages=966–972 |doi=10.1257/aer.97.3.966 |citeseerx=10.1.1.639.131 }} {{refend}}

== External links == {{Wikiquote}} * [http://jyotikalash.net/tow_01042012.php Discipline in our life] (religious tract) * [http://www.vision.org/visionmedia/family-relationships/child-development-self-control/37805.aspx Teaching Children the Art of Self-Control]

Category:Self-control Category:Motivation Category:Self Category:Autonomy Category:Virtue Category:Justice Category:Honour