Far-right politics in Serbia

{{short description|none}} {{good article}} {{Use British English|date=June 2023}} {{Use dmy dates|date=June 2023}} {{Far-right politics in Serbia|expanded=all}}

'''Far-right politics in Serbia'''{{Efn|{{langx|sr|крајња десница|krajnja desnica}}, {{langx|sr|екстремна десница|ekstremna desnica|label=none}}, or {{langx|sr|ултра десница|ultra desnica|label=none}}}} emerged shortly before the [[Breakup of Yugoslavia|break-up of Yugoslavia]] and have been present ever since. Its manifestation mostly relies on national and religious factors.

[[Milan Stojadinović]], the prime minister of the [[Kingdom of Yugoslavia]] from 1935 until 1939, saw [[fascism]] as an ideological role model for his premiership, while [[Milan Nedić]], who was appointed prime minister of the [[Government of National Salvation|puppet government]] in 1941, was a supporter of fascist ideas. [[Dimitrije Ljotić]] headed [[Yugoslav National Movement|Zbor]], a minor political party that was inspired by [[Italian fascism]]. Ljotić cooperated with bishop [[Nikolaj Velimirović]], who is viewed as an [[Antisemitism|antisemite]] and a promoter of [[anti-Western sentiment]]. The [[Chetniks]] under [[Draža Mihailović]], who collaborated with the [[Axis powers]] as early as 1941, remained an inspiration for modern far-right groups.

During the break-up of Yugoslavia, the far-right re-emerged, with the [[Serbian Radical Party]] (SRS), led by [[Vojislav Šešelj]], gaining support after using [[Sanctions against Yugoslavia|sanctions]], increased inflation, and a high unemployment rate to their advantage to boost their support. The SRS cooperated with [[Slobodan Milošević]] during the 1990s, although it also briefly served in opposition. During the [[Yugoslav Wars]], far-right groups committed violence and acted as [[Paramilitary|paramilitaries]], such as the SRS-led [[White Eagles (paramilitary)|White Eagles]]. After the [[Overthrow of Slobodan Milošević|overthrow of Milošević]] in 2000, attacks orchestrated by the far-right rose. In parliamentary politics, the SRS won the most votes in the [[2003 Serbian parliamentary election|2003]] and [[2007 Serbian parliamentary election|2007]] elections, though campaigning on an anti-corruption platform. The [[Belgrade anti-gay riot|2010 Belgrade anti-gay riot]] was organised by the far-right, including groups such as [[Obraz (organization)|Obraz]]. The Constitutional Court later enacted a ban on [[Nacionalni stroj]] and Obraz in 2011 and 2012, respectively. The far-right embraced [[opposition to immigration]] in the late 2010s, with parties and organisations such as [[Dveri]], [[Serbian Party Oathkeepers]], [[Leviathan Movement|Levijatan]], and People's Patrol embracing the sentiment. The [[Russian invasion of Ukraine]] helped the far-right cross the [[electoral threshold]] in the [[2022 Serbian general election|2022 parliamentary election]], though, in the [[2023 Serbian parliamentary election|2023 election]], they lost representation.

In Serbia, the [[Christian right]] and [[Neo-Nazism|neo-Nazi]] variants of the far-right exist. Far-right groups tend to be antisemitic and [[Islamophobia|Islamophobic]], and they promote [[Conspiracy theory|conspiracy theories]]. They also promote [[anti-communism]], [[militarism]], and [[religious fanaticism]]. Additionally, some have ties with the [[Serbian Orthodox Church]] (SPC). The far-right often glorifies convicted war criminals like [[Radovan Karadžić]] and [[Ratko Mladić]], while some groups have also called for the [[Rehabilitation (penology)|rehabilitation]] of collaborationists Nedić and Ljotić. The far-right has orchestrated violent protests and attacks against ethnic minorities, the [[LGBT community]], activists, and non-governmental organisations whom they label as "foreign mercenaries". The far-right promotes anti-Westernism, [[Euroscepticism]], closer ties with [[Russia]], and the return of [[Kosovo]]'s sovereignty to Serbia. The unemployed working-class youth is often recruited by far-right groups; the far-right tends to present itself in the form of "patriotic" groups or [[Aid agency|humanitarian organisations]]. Far-right groups are often small in number and have been institutionally marginal, though on the Internet, far-right content has received a large following.{{TOC limit|3}}

== Overview == === Definition === {{Multiple image | footer = Far-right groups and individuals are known for forming the perception of an enemy; the [[LGBT community]] and the [[European Union]] are often perceived as enemies.  | image1 = Obraz cekamo vas.jpg | alt1 = A homophobic graffiti promotion of the "We are waiting you" campaign organised by Obraz | width1 = 120

| image2 = Eurosceptic posters by SRS.jpg | alt2 = Eurosceptic posters promoting the Serbian Radical Party | width2 = 213 }} According to contemporary historian Barbara N. Wiesinger, the far-right can be divided into two groups: the first group is influenced by the [[Christian right]], [[Clericalism|clerical]] [[Serbian nationalism|nationalism]], conservatism, and [[xenophobia]], and it generally has ties with the [[Serbian Orthodox Church]] (SPC). The other group is well-connected with international [[Neo-Nazism|neo-Nazi]] and [[White supremacy|white supremacist]] groups who also promote xenophobia and authoritarian views; the difference between the two groups is that the latter's views are more centred on [[Race (human categorization)|race]].{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=2}} [[Jovo Bakić]], a sociologist, noted that far-right groups also tend to be [[Antisemitism|antisemitic]] and [[Islamophobia|Islamophobic]].{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=5}} Far-right individuals also often glorify convicted war criminals such as [[Vojislav Šešelj]], [[Radovan Karadžić]], and [[Ratko Mladić]],{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=5}} while some groups are also supportive of [[Collaboration with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy|collaborationists]] [[Milan Nedić]] and [[Dimitrije Ljotić]], and call for their [[Rehabilitation (penology)|rehabilitation]].''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=44}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=20}}''{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=15}}Additionally, some far-right groups promote [[historical revisionism]] about these figures.{{Sfn|Pejić|2021}} The promotion of conspiracy theories is common among the far-right.{{Sfn|Bieber|2020}}{{Sfn|Mrenović|2020}}

Bakić also noted that far-right groups also promote a culture of "youth violence", since they regularly organise clashes with the police, or against minorities such as the [[Romani people|Romani]], [[LGBT community|LGBT population]], and [[Left-wing politics|leftists]]. He also states that far-right groups form a perception of enemies, which commonly tend to be the West, traditional political parties, or minorities, while regarding Russia as a friend or a "brother".{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=5}} Far-right groups focus their ideological aims on minorities to gain public support; besides the Romani population, [[Islam in Serbia|Muslims]] are also a common target.{{sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=14}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=8}} This results in the formation of "[[welfare chauvinism]]", which portrays minorities as "undeserving". The development of welfare chauvinism in Serbia has been similar to that in other parts of Europe; minorities are portrayed as "undeserving" of benefiting from Serbian welfare programmes.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=145}} Initially, the far-right focused on other ethnic groups in former Yugoslavia due to the [[Yugoslav Wars]], although they turned towards "internal enemies" after the [[overthrow of Slobodan Milošević]].{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=18}} Since at least the late 2010s, far-right groups have also begun promoting several narratives regarding migrants due to the [[2015 European migrant crisis|European migrant crisis]], such as referring to them as enemies, and claiming that migrants are criminals or terrorists.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=30}}{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=2}} Far-right groups regularly organise protests that are known for generating violence;{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=2}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=31}} they often participate in football match fights,{{Sfn|Traynor|2010}} and organised attacks against participators at [[pride parade]]s.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=5}} Neo-Nazi groups are connected with [[Hooliganism|hooligan]] groups, while far-right groups and football fan organisations generally have joint membership.{{Sfn|Kešetović|Ninković|Milašinović|2012|p=290}}{{Sfn|Pavasović Trost|Kovačević|2013|p=1055}}

Far-right groups are also known for their [[anti-Western sentiment]] and [[Euroscepticism]], which they manifest through attacks against non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and activists; far-right groups usually describe them as "anti-state", "[[Anti-Serb sentiment|anti-Serb]]" or "foreign mercenaries".{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=146}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=28}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=22}} They are also known for assaulting human rights and [[Democratization|pro-democracy]] activists and NGO headquarters.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=13}} According to Mörner's study, far-right groups tend to feel less close to other European nations.{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=146}} Far-right groups also promote the notion that Western powers advocated [[Secession|secessionist nationalism]] in the [[Constituent republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|republics of SFR Yugoslavia]]; this was due to the positions of Western politicians that advocated for the internal borders of republics to remain unchanged.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=1}} Alongside perceiving the West as an enemy, the far-right also outlined the [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|socialist government of Yugoslavia]] as an enemy; they refer to it as a dictatorship and as "anti-patriots" due to the narrative that the government allegedly attempted to destroy "Serbian national and religious identity and tradition".{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=11}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=12}} [[Anti-communism]] is also a key element of far-right groups; they tend to downplay the success of [[Yugoslav Partisans]] during [[World War II]] by promoting historical revisionism, and attempt to discredit the progress that was achieved during the existence of SFR Yugoslavia.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=44}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=8}}'' Far-right groups had also openly taken part in [[Victory Day (9 May)|Victory Day]] commemorations due to their pro-Russian views; their participation is in stark contrast to the anti-communist sentiment that is present in Serbia and other post-socialist countries.{{Sfn|Đureinović|2021}} Most far-right groups espouse [[militarism]], [[religious fanaticism]], and [[chauvinism]], and they support the return of [[Kosovo]]'s sovereignty under Serbia, as well as preserving traditional and [[Patriarchy|patriarchal]] values, and opposing abortion.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=14}}{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=4}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=15}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=18}} Regarding economics, far-right groups in Serbia tend to advocate economics that are more [[left-wing economics|left-wing]] than in other countries.{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=3}} In regards to religion, far-right groups formed connections with the SPC in the 1990s.{{Sfn|Kešetović|Ninković|Milašinović|2012|p=300}}

=== Symbolism === [[National symbols of Serbia|National symbols]], such as the [[Serbian cross]] and [[Serbian eagle]], had been adopted by far-right groups. In the case of the cross, far-right groups often use two different variants; the first one is silver-coloured, while the other one is red-coloured.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=46}}'' Other groups also use the [[Russian cross (religion)|Russian cross]] as their symbol, while [[Obraz (organization)|Obraz]] and [[Serbian Action]] use the [[Christogram]] as a "Christian Orthodox-patriotic" symbol.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=47}}'' The [[Flag of Serbia|Serbian tricolour]] is widely used by far-right organisations.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=48}}'' Far-right groups also frequently use chants such as "Serbia to the Serbs" ({{lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Србија Србима|Srbija Srbima}}).{{Sfn|Bursać|2019}} They also use pejorative terms for minority groups in Serbia.{{Sfn|Traynor|2010}}

During the Yugoslav Wars, [[turbo-folk]] music was used to promote nationalist and revisionist viewpoints.{{Sfn|Tang|2022}} Notably, [[Serbia Strong]], a song that lauded the actions of Serb military personnel such as war criminal Radovan Karadžić, and boasted about ethnic cleansing against Croats and Bosniaks, later became an [[internet meme]] where it was alternatively titled "Remove Kebab", and attracted further attention when it was played by Brenton Tarrant before instigating the [[Christchurch mosque shootings]].{{Sfn|Tang|2022}} [[Beogradski Sindikat]] (BS), a [[Hip hop music|hip-hop]] collective, promoted conservative and far-right views through music.{{Sfn|Kohl|2016|p=316}}{{Sfn|Kovačević|2018|p=704}} Škabo, a prominent member of BS, used to associate himself with [[Dveri]], while Aleksandar Protić headed the [[Third Serbia – Rich Serbia|Third Serbia]] political party, which was formed out of Dveri.{{Sfn|Subotić|2018}} A clothing brand named ''Otadžbina'' depicts neo-Nazi imagery and is used by football fans in Serbia.{{Sfn|Fare Network|2016|p=23}}

=== Influence === [[File:Far-right symbols in Belgrade (cropped).jpg|thumb|250x250px|alt=Far-right and pro-Russian symbols in Belgrade|[[Belgrade]] graffiti that translates to "Glory to Russia!" along with neo-Nazi and white supremacist symbols. The far-right supports the establishment of [[Russophilia|closer ties]] with Russia, and it has also sided with Russia in the [[Russo-Ukrainian War]]. ]] Far-right groups recruit working-class youth who are usually unemployed and generally uneducated.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=5}} The youth developed strong public political opinions against the West, [[NATO]], and Western democracy after the [[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia|NATO bombing of Serbia]] and [[Sanctions against Yugoslavia|sanctions]].{{Sfn|Rrustemi|2020|p=6}} According to authors Denoeux and Carter, socio-economic, political, and cultural issues tend to radicalise the population.{{Sfn|Petrović|Stakić|2018|p=16}} Far-right groups present themselves as "patriotic" groups or [[humanitarian organisation]]s, while neo-Nazi groups tend to present themselves as "radical nationalists" by making covert or overt use of [[Nazi symbolism]].''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=44}}''{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=6}} Far-right groups stay small in number;{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=5}} according to Džombić, about 30 far-right groups were active with about 5,000 members in 2011.{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=5}} As of 2018, far-right groups remain institutionally marginal, although their public influence is at a higher rate.{{Sfn|Petrović|Stakić|2018|p=9}}{{Sfn|Džuverović|Stojarová|2022}} According to Bojan Klačar, the executive director of [[CeSID]], contemporary far-right groups do not pose a threat unless they receive a large amount of support, while the political articulation of the groups is too weak to make an impact on institutions.{{Sfn|Todorović|2021}} [[Clerical fascism|Clerical-fascist]] groups had been considered to be more politically influential and organised than neo-Nazi groups.{{Sfn|Tomić|2014}}

Far-right groups are centred on using the Internet, while far-right individuals have also published magazines and books.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=2}} [[Stormfront (website)|Stormfront]], a neo-Nazi Internet forum, was established in the early 2000s in Serbia.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=6}} Groups are also centred on using social networks such as Facebook, [[Telegram (software)|Telegram]] and [[Signal (messaging app)|Signal]], as well as [[alt-tech]] such as [[Parler]].{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=26}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=43}} Far-right Facebook pages and groups in Serbia had received large amounts of following.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=27}} Anti-immigrant activists had also formed a number of pages; this includes Generation Identity, which also has branches in other countries.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=20}} Followers of the far-right European Solidarity Front for Syria (ESFS) page had attended the first major anti-immigrant protest in Serbia in 2016.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=21}} Regarding the media, they had stayed neutral regarding the migrant issue; they had reported incidents in which they participated, as well as the problems that they experienced.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=35}} Publications such as ''[[Glas javnosti]]'', ''[[Večernje novosti]]'', ''[[Kurir]]'', ''[[Alo!]]'', and [[Pravda (Serbia)|''Pravda'']] were associated with the far-right according to 2010 and 2011 reports of Ramet and Stakić.{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=20}}{{Sfn|Stakić|2011|p=58}} Far-right groups had also attacked publications that were viewed as more liberal.''{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=34}}'' Local media in Serbia also tend to promote "Russian-friendly" news stories or anti-Western narratives: websites have been found to be spreading the idea of [[ethnic purification]] or neo-Nazism. Discoveries have also been made that certain website owners tend to have connections with Russian state-controlled agencies such as [[RT (TV network)|RT]] and [[Sputnik (news agency)|Sputnik]].{{Sfn|Rrustemi|2020|p=5}}

[[Jim Dowson]], a British far-right activist, and his [[Knights Templar International]] organisation had supplied bullet-proof vests and radios to Serbian groups in Kosovo.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=21}}{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=4}} Dowson had regularly accompanied [[Aleksandr Dugin]] and former [[British National Party]] leader [[Nick Griffin]] in Serbia.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=133}} In late 2017, far-right groups threatened to murder [[Marinika Tepić]], an opposition politician, after criticising Jim Dowson's visits to Serbia.{{Sfn|Ilić|2020}} Robert Rundo, the co-founder of the white supremacist [[Rise Above Movement]] (RAM), had appeared and recorded videos in Serbia throughout 2020.{{Sfn|Coloborne|2020}} Russia had also solidified its presence in Serbian politics through connections with far-right parties;{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=149}}{{Sfn|Rrustemi|2020|p=3}} it had also asserted itself as a "protector of [[traditional values]]" and an alternative to the West.{{Sfn|Rrustemi|2020|p=4}} Sources claim that between 100 and 300 Serb "foreign fighters" joined the [[Russo-Ukrainian War]] on the side of Russia;''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}'' [[Aleksandar Vučić]], the [[president of Serbia]], claimed that the foreign fighters were mercenaries, while others stated that they were motivated by a sense of "nationalist solidarity".{{Sfn|Rrustemi|2020|p=6}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|pp=8–9}} Some had received media attention, such as [[Dejan Berić]].''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=8}}'' Certain foreign fighters had even joined pro-Russian paramilitary groups in [[Syria]].''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=8}}''

The Serbian far-right has made a major impact on [[Domestic terrorism|domestic terrorists]] such as [[Anders Behring Breivik]] and Brenton Tarrant.{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=5}} Far-right groups in Serbia have also followed the trend of the global far-right such as showing [[Populism|populist]] tendencies and representing themselves as the protectors of "the people" and "free speech".{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=145}} The growth of global far-right views, such as anti-immigrant views, has also spread in Serbia.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=10}} The socio-economic situation of individuals, insufficient trust in institutions, and the inconsistent attitude of the state towards the far-right have, however, also contributed to the rise of anti-immigration ideas.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=15}}

== History == === Yugoslavia === Following [[World War I]], the [[Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes]] was established. The state was composed of multiple ethnic groups, with the [[Serbs]] being the most populous group.{{Sfn|Pešić|1996|p=1}}{{Sfn|Batt|2005|p=12}} It was initially a liberal [[parliamentary democracy]], although in 1929, [[Alexander I of Yugoslavia|Alexander I]] imposed a [[6 January Dictatorship|dictatorship]] that lasted until 1934, and renamed the state to Yugoslavia.{{Sfn|Pešić|1996|p=7}}{{Sfn|Batt|2005|p=14}} Alexander I's regime was described as "conservative authoritarian".{{Sfn|Newman|2017|p=43}} During the [[interwar period]], fascists and advocates of other far-right political movements in Yugoslavia received little support and some of them were even repressed by Alexander I's regime.{{Sfn|Payne|1995|p=326}} The display of antisemitism in Yugoslavia was also rare.{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}}

{{Multiple image | footer = [[Milan Stojadinović]] (left) and [[Milan Nedić]] (right) were Serb fascist politicians. Stojadinović served as [[Prime Minister of Yugoslavia]] from 1935 to 1939, while Nedić headed the collaborationst [[Government of National Salvation]].  | image1 = Milan Stojadinović.jpg | alt1 = A photo of Milan Stojadinović | width1 = 150 | image2 = Milan Nedić 1939.jpg | alt2 = A pre-1939 portrait photo of Milan Nedić | width2 = 131 }}

The post-World War I [[Chetniks in the interwar period|Chetniks]] were ideologically divided; some of them believed that Yugoslavia should be governed in accordance with Serbian traditions and that the other two major ethnic groups, [[Croats]] and [[Slovenes]], should be [[Cultural assimilation|assimilated]], while others believed that a new [[Yugoslavism|Yugoslav national identity]] should be developed. Its members were also divided between the [[Democratic Party (Yugoslavia)|Democratic Party]] (DS), which favoured an all-Yugoslav identity, and the [[People's Radical Party]] (NRS) which favoured a Greater Serbian identity.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|p=50}} Chetniks later developed into "[[Parafascism|parafascists]]" and adopted anti-liberal and anti-democratic views, while maintaining nationalist traditions.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|p=51}} Members of the [[Narodna Odbrana|National Defence]] ({{Lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Народна одбрана|Narodna odbrana}}), a militaristic association, usually sided with Chetniks in [[Armed conflict|conflicts]]. National Defence adopted fascism in the mid-1920s and became sceptical about the parliamentary system.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|p=52}} It had also opposed [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]] and promoted the cultural unity of South Slavs.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|p=53}}{{Sfn|Bakić|2005|p=23}}{{Sfn|Bakić|2005|p=24}} [[Velibor Jonić]], a Serbian fascist politician, was a member of the National Defence.{{Sfn|Bakić|2005|p=25}}

Following the [[Assassination of Alexander I of Yugoslavia|assassination of Alexander I]], [[Milan Stojadinović]] and his [[Yugoslav Radical Union]] (JRZ) came to power. JRZ acted as an all-Yugoslav party, and its members were from all three major ethnic groups.{{Sfn|Regan|2007|p=217}} Stojadinović's rule was authoritarian and he imposed anti-democratic acts, while also seeing fascism as an ideological role model, and adopting centralism during his premiership.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|p=70}}{{Sfn|Payne|1995|p=325}}{{Sfn|Regan|2007|p=218}} Stojadinović was dismissed in 1939 and replaced by [[Dragiša Cvetković]].{{Sfn|Payne|1995|p=325}} Dimitrije Ljotić, a Yugoslav Serb politician, who formed the [[Yugoslav National Movement]] (JNP Zbor), sought to introduce radical right and fascist policies.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|pp=72}} Zbor supported the creation of a corporative authoritarian regime, while it was also inspired by [[Italian fascism]], anti-communism, and antisemitism.{{Sfn|Payne|1995|p=325}}{{Sfn|Newman|2017|pp=73}} Ljotić cooperated with Bishop [[Nikolaj Velimirović]],{{Sfn|Newman|2017|pp=73}} who was an antisemite and promoted anti-Western views; he had made an impact on Ljotić during the late interwar period.{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=23}}''{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=32}}'' A chunk of its members had also left the party to join JRZ during Stojadinović's premiership.{{Sfn|Byford|2011|p=297}} Zbor mainly received support from Serbs,{{Sfn|Payne|1995|p=326}} and it remained a minor party after it received 1% of the popular vote in 1935 and 1938 elections.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|pp=73}}

After the beginning of World War II, the government of Yugoslavia adopted anti-Jewish laws.{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}} [[Milan Nedić]] was appointed prime minister of the puppet government in 1941; he was a supporter of fascist and ultranationalist policies.{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=23}} During his premiership, Nedić also promoted [[Antisemitic conspiracy theory|conspiracy theories about Jews]].{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}} [[Kosta Pećanac]], who headed Chetnik units in the 1930s, embraced chauvinism and led [[Pećanac Chetniks|his group of Chetniks]] into allegiance with Nedić's government.{{Sfn|Newman|2017|pp=71–72}} Chetniks under [[Draža Mihailović]] began collaborating with the [[Axis Forces]] as early as 1941.{{Sfn|Vučićević|2017|p=56}} Mihailović denied that he collaborated with the Axis forces, although in 1943 he admitted it in a conversation with a British liaison officer. After 1943, Mihailović collaborated with [[Nazi Germany]] on an informal basis.{{Sfn|Kindersley|1976|p=461}}{{Sfn|Pavlowitch|2008|p=256–258}} The Chetniks during World War II were royalist and nationalist, while their main objective was the creation of a Greater Serb state within Yugoslavia.{{Sfn|Sorguč|Rovčanin|2021}}{{Sfn|Tomasevich|1975|p=173}}{{Sfn|Tomasevich|1975|p=175}} Chetniks also favoured [[population transfer]].{{Sfn|Tomasevich|1975|p=166–169}}

After World War II, the [[League of Communists of Yugoslavia|Communist Party of Yugoslavia]] (KPJ), later known as the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), came to power and reformed the state as the [[Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia]], and the entire Chetnik leadership was either executed or forced to leave the country, with the later operating in exile.{{sfn|Ó Maoláin|1987|p=427}} [[Josip Broz Tito]] led Yugoslavia until [[Death and state funeral of Josip Broz Tito|his death]] in 1980. Under his dictatorship, there have been relatively few instances of internal or external [[Serbian nationalist]] activity in national territory, with most far-right forces operating outside Yugoslavia.{{sfn|Ó Maoláin|1987|p=423}} Between 1972 and 1976, several alleged [[Collaboration with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy|collaborationist]]s and exiled Chetniks in [[Western Europe]] were sentenced in Yugoslavia, and in March 1976, a Serb group assassinated a Yugoslav vice-consul in [[France]].{{sfn|Ó Maoláin|1987|p=424}} Shortly after Tito's death, local branches of the SKJ began promoting ethno-nationalist rhetoric, including the [[League of Communists of Serbia]] (SKS).{{Sfn|Batt|2005|p=16}} The leadership of SKS was replaced by a more conservative one that argued for more nationalist views.{{Sfn|Pešić|1996|p=14}} The [[early 1980s recession]] had an impact on Yugoslavia and the crisis was exploited by [[Ethnic nationalism|ethnic nationalists]] to capture power.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=10}} Also, in the 1980s, a number of [[Paramilitary|paramilitaries]] began forming in Kosovo.{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=22}} The [[SANU Memorandum]], which was leaked in 1986, made an impact on the far-right politics in Serbia; the document combined xenophobic nationalist views with [[Conservative socialism (disambiguation)|conservative socialism]], and it argued for the establishment of Greater Serbia.{{Sfn|Guzina|2003|p=102}}{{Sfn|LeBor|2003}} [[Slobodan Milošević]], who held conservative, communist, and anti-liberal views, supported the memorandum and used it to rise to power.{{Sfn|Guzina|2003|p=103}} Milošević garnered support to remove [[Ivan Stambolić]], who opposed the memorandum, at the [[8th Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia|8th Session]] of the [[Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia|SKS Central Committee]] and later organised a campaign of street protests, named the [[anti-bureaucratic revolution]].{{Sfn|Guzina|2003|p=103}} This served as a resurgence of the far-right.{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=12}}

=== 1990s–2000s === [[File:Vojislav Šešelj (2016).jpg|thumb|alt=Vojislav Šešelj holding a book in 2016|200x200px|Vojislav Šešelj, leader of the [[Serbian Radical Party]] (SRS), became one of the most known far-right individuals in Serbia in the 1990s. ]] Following the [[revolutions of 1989]], the far-right emerged again to the mainstream.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=2}}{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=1}} Far-right groups brought [[Ultranationalism|extreme nationalism]] as well as support for the establishment of [[Greater Serbia]], while at the same time, they also gained broader acceptance due to Serbia's position in the Yugoslav Wars. Following sanctions, increased inflation and a high unemployment rate, xenophobia saw an increase during Serbia's period of [[isolationism]].{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=1}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=10}} Nationalists, such as the [[Serbian Radical Party]] (SRS), exploited this to garner broader support among the public. They promoted historical revisionism, which had been on the rise since the 1970s, and portrayed other Yugoslav ethnic groups as "betrayers", which formed the narrative of [[Victim mentality|victimhood]].{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=143}} The SRS closely cooperated with Milošević's [[Socialist Party of Serbia]] (SPS) during the 1990s, although it also briefly served in opposition.{{Sfn|Stojarová|2012|p=150}} The [[Serbian Renewal Movement]] (SPO), a major opposition party during the 1990s, had also promoted extremist nationalism, although it abandoned the ideology following the beginning of the [[Bosnian War]].{{Sfn|Bieber|2003|p=75}} Milošević, although declaratively a leftist, had connections with the far-right and promoted extreme-nationalist and anti-Western sentiment; he also promoted antisemitic and racist conspiracy theories.{{Sfn|Kešetović|Ninković|Milašinović|2012|p=299}}

Many far-right organisations acted as [[Paramilitary|paramilitary organisation]]s and openly supported and committed violence during the Bosnian and [[Kosovo War|Kosovo]] wars.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=144}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=5}} The [[White Eagles (paramilitary)|White Eagles]], a paramilitary unit operated by SRS and its leader Vojislav Šešelj, committed [[war crime]]s in [[Croatia]], and [[Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Bosnia and Herzegovina]]. Its members were also referred to as "chetniks".{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=10}}{{Sfn|United Nations Security Council|1994|p=31}} According to a United Nations report from 1994, 55 out of 82 paramilitaries in former Yugoslavia were led by Serbs.{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=22}} According to the [[Southern Poverty Law Center]], far-right groups criticised the United States during the Kosovo War, including foreign individuals such as white nationalist [[Louis Beam]], while neo-Nazis had done it because "they saw Muslims as a threat to Europe".{{Sfn|Southern Poverty Law Center|1999}} After the [[NATO bombing of Yugoslavia]] in 1999 and up until the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in October 2000, far-right conspiracy theories were spread, while critics of the government were assassinated. Journalist [[Slavko Ćuruvija]] was assassinated in 1999, while former president of Serbia, Ivan Stambolić, was assassinated in August 2000; an [[Ibar Highway assassination attempt|assassination attempt]] on [[Vuk Drašković]], the leader of SPO, also occurred in October 1999.{{Sfn|Kešetović|Ninković|Milašinović|2012|p=300}}

Far-right groups in Serbia gained a considerable amount of public attention in the early 2000s,{{Sfn|Kešetović|Ninković|Milašinović|2012|p=287}} although after the election of [[Zoran Đinđić]] as [[Prime Minister of Serbia|prime minister]] it was felt that the development of far-right ideas would become less tenable.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=2}}{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=2}} Far-right groups had also turned into registered movements and organisations.{{Sfn|Petrović|Stakić|2018|p=5}} During June 2001, far-right groups orchestrated violent attacks on the participants of the first pride parade in Serbia; the parade was cancelled half-way through.{{Sfn|Stakić|2011|p=44}} After [[Assassination of Zoran Đinđić|Đinđić's assassination]] in 2003, far-right groups emerged again. According to Jovo Bakić, this rise occurred due to the promised but infeasible social development and [[Accession of Serbia to the European Union|European Union accession]], as well as the wave of privatisation that left vast numbers of people unemployed.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=2}} These organisations were also often in opposition to each other, although they had common ideological motives.{{Sfn|Džuverović|Stojarová|2022}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=144}}

Since the 2000s, attacks orchestrated by far-right groups have risen.{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=23}} These attacks had often received media attention, although far-right groups did not attract much attention from the public.{{Sfn|Petrović|Stakić|2018|pp=5–6}} Due to the allegations that the government was involved in corrupt privatisation, SRS ran on an anti-corruption platform and placed first in the [[2003 Serbian parliamentary election|2003 parliamentary election]]. SRS did not take part in forming a government.{{Sfn|Spoerri|2015|p=123}}{{Sfn|Spasić|2008|p=5}} Věra Stojarová, a [[Masaryk University]] professor, pointed out that the high number of votes for SRS showed the "high frustration of Serbs".{{Sfn|Stojarová|2012|p=150}} In 2004, a law that defined the Chetniks as "anti-fascist" was welcomed by parties on the right.{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=16}} A year later, Chetniks were de facto equalised with the Yugoslav Partisans following the implementation of the law on soldiers' pensions.{{Sfn|Perry|2019|p=81}} SRS placed first again in the [[2007 Serbian parliamentary election|2007 parliamentary election]].{{Sfn|Stojarová|2012|p=150}}{{Sfn|Spasić|2008|p=5}} Aleksandar Gavrilović, an editor for ''Istinomer'', stated that following the formation of the [[Serbian Progressive Party]] (SNS) in 2008, the far-right saw its support drop to bare minimums.{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}} The far-right received further expansion following the [[2008 Kosovo declaration of independence|declaration of the independence of Kosovo]] in 2008.{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}} Later in July 2008, far-right groups organised protests in support of Radovan Karadžić, which turned out violent.{{Sfn|Bilefsky|2008a}} In 2009, a [[Belgrade Pride]] event was cancelled due to the announcement that far-right groups would prevent the event from taking place.{{Sfn|Deutsche Welle|2009}} The Public Prosecutor's Office had stated that [[Obraz (organization)|Obraz]] and [[1389 Movement|SNP 1389]] should be banned due to their threats that led to the cancellation of the Belgrade Pride event.{{Sfn|Reuters|2009}}

=== Contemporary period === [[File:Flag of Nacionalni stroj.svg|thumb|left|alt=Flag of Nacionalni stroj|[[Nacionalni stroj]] was banned by the Constitutional Court in 2011 due to their violent acts, which were viewed as unconstitutional. ]] In October 2010, the [[Belgrade anti-gay riot]] occurred; it was marked with violence orchestrated by the far-right, which led to clashes with the police.{{sfn|Traynor|2010}} Obraz was a notable participant in the riot.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=14}} The Public Prosecutor's Office responded by submitting multiple proposals to the Constitutional Court in 2011. The Constitutional Court rejected the ban of 14 far-right groups in March, while in June, it deemed that the actions of [[Nacionalni stroj]] were unconstitutional and the Court banned them; the 2011 pride event was cancelled due to threats from far-right groups.{{Sfn|Barlovac|2011}} The Constitutional Court also rejected the proposal to ban SNP 1389 and SNP Naši.{{Sfn|Gligorijević|2010}} Obraz was banned a year later due to "violation of human and minority rights and causing national and religious hatred", although it continued to operate under a similar name.{{Sfn|Glavonjić|2012}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|pp=31–32}} Since then, some far-right groups have, according to Zorić, [[Pacifism|pacified]] their actions.{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}} Far-right groups also organised protests in support of Ratko Mladić in May 2011.{{Sfn|BBC News|2011}}

In the [[2012 Serbian parliamentary election|2012 parliamentary election]], for the first time since its establishment, SRS did not manage to cross the then-5 per cent [[electoral threshold]] and lost all of its seats in the [[National Assembly (Serbia)|National Assembly]].{{Sfn|Kojić|2020}} According to Izabela Kisić, the executive director of the [[Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia]], the newly elected government has since practically tolerated the far-right.{{Sfn|Kisić|2022|p=248}} A year later, anti-Romani attacks in [[Zemun Polje]] were concluded by far-right groups.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=9}}'' Draža Mihailović, the leader of Chetniks during World War II, was rehabilitated in 2015 by the Supreme Court of Cassation, claiming that he was politically and ideologically trialed;{{Sfn|Perry|2019|p=81}}{{Sfn|Robinson|2015}} far-right groups organised protests during the rehabilitation of Milan Nedić, although in the end, Nedić was not rehabilitated.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=32}} Far-right groups had returned to the National Assembly following the [[2016 Serbian parliamentary election|2016 parliamentary election]].{{Sfn|B92|2016}}

A far-right group belonging to the white nationalist [[Identitarian movement]] organised protests in 2017,{{Sfn|Šima|2021|p=83}} although a year later the Serbian branch was dissolved for unknown reasons.{{Sfn|Vio|2019}} The branch was also linked with the promotion of discrimination.{{Sfn|Nikoletić|2021}} Kisić noted that [[Islamic extremism]] had seen a significant decline, while the far-right had been on the rise in the late 2010s. The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) noted that the far-right had begun showing [[Anti-Immigration|anti-immigrant views]], which did not exist before.{{sfn|Stojanović|2022a}} This initially began during the 2015 migrant crisis, although political parties such as Dveri and [[Enough is Enough (party)|Enough is Enough]] (DJB) began advocating anti-immigrant views in 2018.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=4}} The two parties explicitly promoted the [[Eurabia|Eurabia conspiracy theory]] and claimed that Serbian citizens would become a minority in their own country.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=11}}{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=22}}{{Sfn|Pejić|2020}} Organisations, such as [[Leviathan Movement|Leviathan]] and the People's Patrol, orchestrated attacks against migrants. Its members had also begun "patrolling the streets" to intercept, threaten, warn, arrest migrants, as well as expel them from public transport.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=7}} Both groups also video-recorded their actions and shared them across social media, while also targeting citizens who had [[Apartments for rent|rented apartments]] to migrants.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=26}}{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=24}} Opinion polls also showed that the public shared similar anti-immigrant views with far-right organisations. According to a BCSP survey from 2020, the public viewed migrants as the greatest external threat to Serbia's security and as one of the three main threats to internal security, while three-quarters of respondents were concerned about free movement of migrants in towns and villages.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=8}} In comparison with the research from 2017, in which migrants were listed lower, the far-right had an impact on increasing anti-immigrant views among the public.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=44}}{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=46}} In the same research, voters were also interested in knowing the positions of political parties regarding migrants.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=11}}

Following the beginning of the [[COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia]] in 2020, conspiracy theories regarding the virus began to spread;{{Sfn|Marković|2020}} the far-right also spread these conspiracy theories.{{Sfn|Popović|2021}}{{Sfn|Federation of Jewish Communities of Serbia|2020}} In the same year, the far-right saw a sudden rise in popularity.{{Sfn|Ilić|2020}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=10}} Following the [[2020 Serbian parliamentary election|2020 parliamentary election]], a [[Serbian protests (2020–present)|series of protests]] took place in July. The government portrayed the protests as led by the far-right; a small group of far-right activists did participate in the protests, including former MP [[Srđan Nogo]].{{Sfn|BBC News|2020}}{{Sfn|Stojanović|2020}} In October 2021, [[Facebook Inc]]. published a series of documents that included far-right groups in Serbia that were connected with terrorism, violence, and hate.{{Sfn|Nikoletić|2021}} A month later, a far-right group harassed and attacked several [[Peace activism|peace activist]] groups, including ''[[Women in Black]]'', due to their opposition to denying the notion that the [[Srebrenica massacre]] was a genocide.{{sfn|European Women's Lobby|2021}} During the same period, a conflict emerged in Belgrade, after a far-right group made a [[mural]] dedicated to Ratko Mladić; peace activists had thrown eggs and paint at the mural to destroy it, although the groups would occasionally re-paint the mural.{{Sfn|Cvetković|Bogdanović|2021}} The conflict received national media attention, although the mural did not end up being removed.{{Sfn|Diković|2021}} Following the beginning of the [[2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine|Russian invasion of Ukraine]] in February 2022, far-right groups protested in support of Russia.{{Sfn|Komarčević|2022a}} The invasion had helped the far-right cross the electoral threshold in the [[2022 Serbian general election|2022 general election]] due to their pro-Russian views.{{Sfn|Eror|2022b}} Far-right groups had also stated their opposition to [[International sanctions during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine|imposing sanctions]] on Russia.{{Sfn|Eror|2022b}} Dveri, the [[Democratic Party of Serbia]] (DSS), and the [[Serbian Party Oathkeepers]] (SSZ), all of which campaigned on their opposition to imposing sanctions on Russia, had entered the National Assembly.{{Sfn|Rujević|2022}}{{Sfn|Dragojlo|2022}} At the time of the campaign period, SSZ, SRS, and [[Serbian Right]] (SD) were viewed as allegedly under the control of the government.{{sfn|Rujević|2022}} During the [[EuroPride|2022 EuroPride]] event in Belgrade, far-right groups clashed with the police.{{Sfn|Al Jazeera|2022}}{{Sfn|EUobserver|2022}}

The [[Balkan Investigative Reporting Network]] published an interactive map of far-right organisations in Western Balkans in November 2022.{{Sfn|Hodžić|2022}} Regarding Serbia, they listed Chetnik organisations, Conservative Movement Naši (formerly SNP Naši), Leviathan, Carostavnik, Moto Club Serbs, Obraz, People's Patrol, Rudder, Serbian Action, SNP Zbor, Youth 451, and Zentropa Serbia as far-right organisations.{{Sfn|Balkan Investigative Reporting Network|2022}} A month later, during the [[North Kosovo crisis (2022–2024)|North Kosovo crisis]], ultranationalist protests were organised by the People's Patrol.{{Sfn|Radio Free Europe|2022b}} In the [[2023 Serbian parliamentary election|2023 parliamentary election]], the far-right lost all of its representation.{{Sfn|Dautović|2024}} The Mirëdita, dobar dan! festival was cancelled in June 2024, due to the protests organised by far-right groups against the festival.{{Sfn|Gec|2024}}

== Political groups == According to the Anti-Discrimination Act, it is illegal for neo-Nazi or fascist groups to organise or display fascist symbols. Organisations that were banned due to their far-right views usually reorganised under a different name, while organisations that have received legal sanctions have either moved underground or transformed their ideological image.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|pp=144–145}} The [[government of Serbia]] has declared Obraz a clerical-fascist organisation, while Nacionalni stroj, skinheads, Blood and Honour, and Rasonalisti were labelled as neo-Nazi.{{Sfn|Todorović|2021}}{{Sfn|Valtner|2022}}

=== Organisations === ==== Blood and Honour ==== Blood & Honour ({{Lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Крв и част|Krv i čast}}) was formed in Serbia in 1995. It cooperates with its [[Blood & Honour|UK-based counterpart]].{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}}{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}} Ideologically oriented towards [[neo-Nazism]], Blood & Honour has been operating as an unregistered and [[Secret society|secret organisation]] in Serbia.{{Sfn|Bogdanović|2020a}}{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=41}}'' [[Combat 18]] is its self-described "activist branch", while Blood & Honour also has chapters in Belgrade, [[Novi Sad]], and [[Niš]].{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}} The organisation has regularly organised [[Concert|music concerts]], and also takes part in neo-Nazi meetings abroad.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}} Its members have had meetings with the [[National Socialist Movement of Denmark]].{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=38}} The organisation is opposed to abortions, capitalism, and communism.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}'' It also claimed that Jews are enemies of the "white race" and that they were responsible for the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, a view that they also share with Obraz.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}}

==== I live for Serbia ==== I Live for Serbia ({{Lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Живим за Србију|Živim za Srbiju}}) is a far-right organisation that spreads [[Anti-vaccine activism|anti-vax]] and nationalist views.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=11}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=19}} Its views had been described as militaristic, and it has also expressed opposition to LGBT rights.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=15}}{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=22}} I Live for Serbia wants to repeal the law that made vaccination mandatory and declares its support for making all non-governmental organisations illegal.{{Sfn|Gascón Barberá|Ciobanu|Malichudis|Vladisavljević|2021}}{{Sfn|Mitrović|2020}} Jovana Stojković, a former member of Dveri, heads the organisation.''{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}}''{{Sfn|B92|2021}} Stojković is a prominent anti-vaccination activist; she has claimed that [[vaccine]]s cause [[autism]], while also spreading [[COVID-19 misinformation|misinformation regarding COVID-19]].{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=19}}{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}} During the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia, Stojković and her organisation opposed wearing [[protective mask]]s. Due to her views, Stojković was detained several times, while the Court of the Regional Medical Chamber of Belgrade initiated a procedure to revoke her medical doctor licence in 2018.{{Sfn|B92|2021}}

I Live for Serbia previously cooperated with the neo-fascist Leviathan Movement. They organised protests together and participated in a joint list in the 2020 parliamentary election.{{Sfn|Mašina|2020}} During the 2020 electoral campaign, I Live for Serbia promoted [[Antifeminism|antifeminist]] content.{{Sfn|Stjepić|2020|p=21}} Their electoral list did not pass the 3-percent threshold.{{Sfn|B92|2021}} I Live for Serbia was later a part of the [[Sovereignists (Serbia)|Sovereignists]] coalition, together with DJB and ZS.{{Sfn|Anđelković|2021}}{{Sfn|Danas|2021a}} It participated in the 2022 general election but failed to win any seats.{{Sfn|Danas|2022}} It was briefly part of the [[Healthy Serbia]] party in 2023.{{Sfn|Danas|2023}}

==== Leviathan ==== {{main|Leviathan Movement}}

Leviathan is a self-described animal rights group. Observers have described it as a "mix of [[National Front (UK)|National Front]] and [[PETA]]".{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=24}}{{sfn|Eror|2022a}} Formed in 2015, it initially got its reputation from posting confessional videos on social media, in which individuals would apologise on camera for being cruel to animals.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=35}}'' Individuals would continue by sharing their personal information, while Leviathan would sometimes confiscate pets from certain individuals. It later built a large following and garnered a large number of fans.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=6}} Members of Leviathan had previously been members of neo-Nazi organisations.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=35}}'' It has been described as a [[Vigilantism|vigilantist]] group, and a group of its members were sentenced to prison for four months, with an additional 11 months under [[house arrest]] in 2020.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}} [[Pavle Bihali]], the leader of Leviathan, claimed that they do not use violence.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}} A member of the group had driven into a migrant reception centre in [[Obrenovac]] in May 2020; the driver was later sentenced to eight months in prison.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=29}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=23}} While driving, the driver chanted that "he does not want Serbia to become an [[Islamic country]]".{{sfn|Veljan|2022}} Leviathan later organised an operation against the largest animal shelter in Serbia in 2021, claiming that its owner had let its dogs die. Dejan Gačić, the owner of the animal shelter, had claimed that his animal shelter was attacked because Leviathan wanted to force him out due to the amount of foreign donations that he had received before the raid.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}} Leviathan had also conducted personal attacks on the Internet.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=35}}''

Observers have described Leviathan as neo-fascist,{{Sfn|Lalatović|2020}} neo-Nazi,{{Sfn|Mulhall|Khan-Ruf|2021|p=108}} and [[alt-right]].{{Sfn|Kuloglija|Husarić|2021}} Bihali identifies himself as a far-right nationalist and has expressed sympathy for Nazism; observers have also assessed him as a neo-Nazi. Bihali is a supporter of the Greek neo-Nazi [[Golden Dawn (Greece)|Golden Dawn]] organisation, and has considered the group a model for Leviathan.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}} An anti-migrant group, members of Leviathan had taken part in "street patrols" with the People's Patrol, while they had also portrayed migrants as "rapists".{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=24}}{{sfn|Veljan|2022}} Bihali had published misinformation regarding migrants.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=24}} Its members have publicly expressed racist, anti-immigrant, and anti-ziganist views.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=36}}'' Leviathan has promoted the [[Great Replacement|Great Replacement conspiracy theory]],{{sfn|Eror|2022a}} while during the COVID-19 pandemic, Leviathan had spread [[COVID-19 misinformation|misinformation about the virus]].{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=6}}

Leviathan registered as an organisation in 2020 and participated in a joint list with I Live for Serbia in the 2020 parliamentary election, although it failed to cross the threshold.{{sfn|Veljan|2022}} Jovo Bakić has claimed that the organisation was under the control of Aleksandar Vučić, while it has been alleged that Leviathan had cooperated with SNS.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}}{{Sfn|Živanović|2019}}

==== Nacionalni stroj ==== {{main|Nacionalni stroj}}

Nacionalni stroj ({{Lit|National Alignment}}) was a secret neo-Nazi organisation.{{Sfn|Todorović|2021}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=25}}'' It was affiliated with Blood & Honour and the neo-Nazi Internet forum [[Stormfront (website)|Stormfront]], and was considered to be a part of the "racist international".{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}} It was alleged that Nacionalni stroj and Blood & Honour concluded the destruction of Belgrade and Niš mosques in March 2004, attacks on the ''Women in Black'' movement in July 2005, and an assault on peace activists in Niš in May 2007.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}} Nacionalni stroj also organised several far-right marches in 2007. These acts were celebrated by the organisations as "patriotic acts".{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}} During the anti-fascist walk in October 2007, members of the organisation attacked participants and threw rocks at them. The [[Gendarmery (Serbia)|gendarmery]] responded by detaining the attackers, while some of them were sentenced to be tried at the Court.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|pp=25–26}}'' The Public Prosecutor's Office submitted a request in 2008 to ban Nacionalni stroj, which was concluded by the Constitutional Court in 2011.{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=15}} Its leader, Goran Davidović, nicknamed ''[[Führer]]'', participated in the attack and was put on trial for the violent attacks. He did not appear in court, and instead moved to [[Trieste]], where he lived until 2020, when he moved back to Serbia. The trial was suspended and charges were dropped in 2019.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|pp=14–15}} After moving back to Serbia, Davidović met with the leaders of Obraz and Leviathan.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=15}}

The organisation supported the establishment of a strong [[Centralized government|centralised]] nation-state that would be headed by an authoritarian head of state who would enjoy the support of the [[Serbian Armed Forces|military]] and the Serbian Orthodox Church.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}} Nacionalni stroj was antisemitic,{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}} and stated that only [[white people]] would be entitled to full citizenship, while homosexuality, pornography, abortion, and other religious groups should be outlawed.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=5}}

==== National Serb Front ==== Formed in 2011, the National Serb Front ({{Lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Национални српски фронт|Nacionalni srpski front}}) came to the far-right scene after the ban of Nacionalni stroj in 2011. Stefan Dolić, a former member of Nacionalni stroj, has headed the organisation since its inception.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=26}}'' The National Serb Front had organised meetings with several neo-Nazi parties, including the [[National Democratic Party of Germany]] and [[People's Party Our Slovakia]].{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=39}} Its logo has drawn comparisons with the [[New Force (Italy)|New Force]] of Italy and the [[Noua Dreaptă]] of Romania.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=51}}'' Members of the National Serb Front have regularly participated in far-right protests and [[Street fighting|street fights]].''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=27}}'' The organisation also published content dedicated to the leader of Nacionalni stroj.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|pp=26–27}}'' In 2017, the liberal [[New Party (Serbia)|New Party]] called for the ban of the National Serb Front.{{Sfn|Novinska agencija Beta|2017}} National Serb Front is ideologically opposed to [[neoliberalism]] and advocates for a "Europe of Nations".''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}''

==== Obraz ==== {{main|Obraz (organization)}}

[[File:Cekamo-vas-obraz.jpg|thumb|upright=0.8|alt=Posters showcasing the anti-pride parade campaign slogan "Čekamo vas" by Obraz|Obraz had organised attacks against homosexuals throughout the 2000s. It was banned in 2012 by the Constitutional Court, although it re-registered under a similar name.]] Obraz was founded in the mid-1990s by a group of students who had published a magazine under an eponymous name.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}} [[Nebojša M. Krstić]] led the organisation until his death in 2001, after which Mladen Obradović succeeded him in 2003.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}}{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=4}} Under Obradović's leadership, Obraz formed connections with far-right groups from [[Romania]], [[Slovakia]], France, Italy, and Spain.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=4}} Since its inception, Obraz has organised violent attacks.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=27}}'' It played a central role in the [[Belgrade anti-gay riot]] that took place in 2010; its leader and other members were arrested a day before to stop the riot. After the parade, an additional 250 individuals were arrested.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=28}}'' The government of Serbia had previously submitted an initiative in regards to its operations,{{Sfn|B92|2009}} and in 2012, the Constitutional Court banned Obraz.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=25}}{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=482}}'' Obradović later re-registered the organisation under the name "Svetosavski savez Obraz".{{Sfn|Komarčević|2020}}''{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=194}}'' Throughout its existence, Obraz only participated in the [[2014 Serbian parliamentary election|2014 parliamentary election]], when it was a part of a joint list with the [[Serbian Radical Party]] (SRS) and SNP Naši.''{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=196}}'' Obradović was a controller during the [[2022 Serbian constitutional referendum|2022 constitutional referendum]].{{Sfn|Valtner|2022}}

The government of Serbia listed Obraz as a clerical-fascist organisation in 2005;{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=4}}{{Sfn|B92|2009}} observers also described Obraz as clerical-fascist.{{Sfn|Tomić|2014}}''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=27}}'' Obraz has been defined as hardline nationalist,{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=20}}and it is also openly [[Antisemitism|antisemitic]] and it opposes minority rights.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}} The organisation has also declared that Jews, Croats, [[Albanians]], and other minority groups in Serbia are their enemies.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=4}} Throughout the 2000s, Obraz concluded a series of attacks against minority groups and homosexuals; major attacks on homosexuals occurred in 2001 and 2010.{{Sfn|Dörner|List|2012|p=135}}{{Sfn|Mitchell|2017|p=93}} They have also called for the punishment of homosexuals and non-Orthodox religious believers.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=14}}{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}} Obraz called for rehabilitation of Dimitrije Ljotić, while also celebrating convicted war criminals Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić as war heroes.{{Sfn|Kekić|2021}}{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}} Obraz supports the dismantling of [[liberal democracy]], which it called a "[[Judeo-Masonic conspiracy theory|judeo-masonic]] tool of oppression", argues that a [[Corporatism|corporative]] state must be established instead, and promotes [[theocracy]].{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=4}}''{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=195}}'' The organisation is opposed to Serbia joining the European Union, and calls instead for the establishment of Greater Serbia.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}''

==== People's Patrol ==== [[File:People's Patrol pro-Russian protest.png|thumb|alt=Damnjan Knežević, leader of the People's Patrol, speaking at a pro-Russian protest in April 2022|People's Patrol began its [[anti-immigrant]] actions in 2020, and following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, it also staged several protests in support of the Russian invasion. ]] The People's Patrol ({{Lang-sr-Cyrl-Latn|Народна патрола|Narodna patrola}}) is a far-right anti-immigrant organisation that began its actions in 2020.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=24}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=22}} It is centred in Belgrade, although it also has branches in border towns such as [[Sombor]], [[Bačka Palanka]], and [[Šid]]. Its members occasionally stop migrants from entering Serbia in border towns.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=26}} They had also disturbed journalists at their protests.{{Sfn|Nikolić|2021}} Their members have been involved in several incidents; in late 2020, one of them threatened and blocked the paths of taxi drivers who were transporting migrants, while in 2021, a People's Patrol member kicked a group of migrants out of a bus and threatened them with violence.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=29}} Later in October 2021, the People's Patrol attacked a Sombor resident who had let migrants sleep in his hostel. The person who operated the hostel received death threats from People's Patrol members and supporters.{{Sfn|Komarčević|2021}} Multiple anti-immigrant protests were also organised by the People's Patrol, starting in March 2020.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=22}} The participants had also showed nationalist and [[anti-vaccination]] sentiment.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=25}}

People's Patrol has been described as ultranationalist.{{Sfn|Eror|2022b}} Like Leviathan, the organisation has portrayed migrants as "rapists" and called for people who helped migrants to be [[Lynching|lynched]].{{sfn|Veljan|2022}}{{sfn|Danas|2021b}} The People's Patrol had used the lack of trust in institutions as a reason and justification to patrol and arrest migrants, and it has also publicly criticised the [[Police of Serbia|police]]. Its leader, Damnjan Knežević, was summoned several times by the police for inciting hatred and intolerance.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|pp=17–18}} Knežević was a member of the SSZ, and served as its vice-president at one point.{{Sfn|Mitrović|2020}} Besides their anti-immigrant activity, its members also launched an initiative regarding Kosovo, which was viewed as ethno-nationalist.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=7}}{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=21}} The organisation has also promoted antifeminism and [[misogyny]].{{sfn|Veljan|2022}} Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, People's Patrol staged several pro-Russian protests in March and April 2022.{{Sfn|Radio Free Europe|2022a}}{{Sfn|Politika|2022}} People's Patrol has connections with far-right groups in Russia that took part in the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.{{Sfn|Komarčević|2022b}} In January 2023, lawyer [[Čedomir Stojković]] accused Knežević of being a member of the [[Wagner Group]] and recruiting Serbian citizens to fight in Ukraine.{{sfn|Stojsavljević|2023}}

According to research, supporters of the People's Patrol tend to be younger and middle-aged men with a secondary education and manual jobs.{{sfn|Petrović|Ignjatijević|Pebić|Starinac|2022|p=23}} Srđan Nogo, Jovana Stojković and Goran Davidović have stated their support for the organisation.{{Sfn|Mitrović|2020}}

==== SNP 1389 ==== {{main|1389 Movement}}

[[File:SNP 1389 sticker.jpg|thumb|alt=A worn out SNP 1389 sticker|upright=0.8|SNP 1389 is a far-right organisation. [[Miša Vacić]] led the organisation from 2008 until the mid-2010s. ]] SNP 1389 was formed in 2004.''{{Sfn|Ramet|2010|p=20}}'' The organisation was initially called "1389", but it later changed its name to "1389 Movement" and then to SNP 1389. Radojko Ljubičić served as the first leader, although he was dismissed by Miša Vacić in 2008, after which Vacić proclaimed himself the leader of the organisation.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=31}}'' During his leadership, Vacić participated in far-right protests across Europe and orchestrated anti-LGBT protests in Serbia.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=39}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=30}}'' Due to his discriminatory actions against the LGBT population, Vacić was detained several times.{{Sfn|Nikoletić|2021}} The main belligerents of the movement are far-right hooligan groups that have been linked with organised crime.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}} In 2008, a group of its members attacked the participants of the [[Queer]] festival; Vacić and others were arrested due to the attack.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=32}}'' SNP 1389 has also organised protests in support of Ratko Mladić.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=32}}'' For a brief period between 2010 and 2011, SNP 1389 was merged with SNP Naši.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=32}}'' SNP 1389 participated in the [[2014 Belgrade City Assembly election]], in which it won 0.08% of the popular vote.{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}}

The organisation has been classified as far-right, staunchly nationalist and ultraconservative.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=31}}{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}}'' SNP 1389 has also been described as neo-Nazi.{{Sfn|McLeod|2015|p=56}} It denies the notion that the Srebrenica massacre was a genocide and promotes irredentism; they have also claimed [[North Macedonia]] and parts of [[Northern Albania]] as part of Greater Serbia.''{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=32}}'' It has listed [[drug addicts]], homosexuals, and the [[Catholic Church]] as its enemies.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}} SNP 1389 also advocates for the [[nationalisation]] of foreign-acquired Serbian companies.''{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}}''

==== SNP Naši ==== The organisation was founded in 2006 by former members of Obraz.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=37}}'' A far-right organisation led by Ivan M. Ivanović, SNP Naši has used similar rhetoric to SNP 1389.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=37}}'' Ivanović appeared in court multiple times, where proceedings against him were held due to provoking racial discrimination. Charges against him were dropped in 2018.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=38}}'' SNP Naši later changed its name to Conservative Movement Naši.{{Sfn|B92|2022}} Observers had described it as a clerical-fascist organisation,{{Sfn|Ilić|2020}} it supports the creation of Greater Serbia and has opposed LGBT rights.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=196}}'' As a staunch [[Russophilia|pro-Russian]] organisation, SNP Naši has called for [[Eurasian integration]]; it has also organised antisemitic acts.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=3}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=38}}''{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=9}} SNP Naši is staunchly critical of Josip Broz Tito.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=11}} The organisation has also called to ban [[George Soros]]-funded NGOs in Serbia.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=38}}''

==== Serbian Action ==== {{Main|Serbian Action}}

[[File:U-slavu-ucitelja-1.jpg|thumb|Serbian Action members honouring with torchlight 70th anniversary of the death of Serbian fascist ideologue [[Dimitrije Ljotić]]]] Serbian Action was formed in 2010.{{Sfn|Kurir|2014}} The organisation tried to stop the "Propaganda Poster in Nedić's Serbia" forum from being held in 2015, although it failed.{{Sfn|021.rs|2015}} Serbian Action has also attended multiple far-right protests;{{Sfn|Komarčević|2021}} in 2018, it organised a rally in support of rehabilitation of Milan Nedić.{{Sfn|Nikoletić|2021}} The organisation has been described as clerical-fascist,{{Sfn|Jelača|Kolanović|Lugarić|2017|p=327}} as well as neo-fascist with clerical elements.{{Sfn|Vio|2019}}{{Sfn|Nikoletić|2021}} It is staunchly [[Social conservatism|socially conservative]], and opposes [[LGBT rights in Serbia|LGBT rights]]; it has accused the LGBT community of spreading "[[gay propaganda]]".{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=22}} Serbian Action had previously published several [[Anti-ziganism|anti-ziganist]] articles. One of its members was arrested in 2014 after calling to [[Lynching|lynch]] Romanis.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=9}} It had also stated its support for monarchism and opposition to capitalism.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}''

==== Serbian Honour ==== {{main|Serbian Honour (paramilitary organization)}}

A self-described [[humanitarian organisation]], Serbian Honour was formed in 2014. It has been led by Bojan Stojković since its formation.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=39}}'' The organisation also has a branch in [[Republika Srpska]]; the branch was previously headed by Igor Bilbija, who was arrested for prostitution and [[racketeering]].''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=41}}'' Serbian Honour garnered public attention in 2014 after participating in attacks during a [[Association football|football game]] between Albania and Serbia. Three years later, Stojković organised a protest to stop the projection of a documentary movie that showed positive relations between Serbs and Albanians during the Yugoslav Wars.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=40}}'' In 2019, members of the Serbian Honour organisation stole a horse from a Romani boy. They subsequently video-taped his "re-education" and posted it across social media.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=9}} Serbian Honour returned the horse to its owners later that year.{{Sfn|Stojanović|2019}}

According to the Business Register Agency (APR), the organisation is listed as a [[Youth Club|youth organisation]] that promotes youth activism, human rights, and [[conservationism]].''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=39}}'' In practice, it has been described as an extremist paramilitary organisation,{{Sfn|Bancroft|2020|p=131}}{{Sfn|Leđenac|2018}} while the organisation has also promoted militarism and praised convicted war criminals. Its members have also promoted [[homophobia]] and opposed minority rights.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=39}}'' Serbian Honour has been described as a Russian-trained paramilitary organisation.{{Sfn|Stojanović|2022b}}{{Sfn|Borger|2018}}

=== Political parties === ==== Dveri ==== {{main|Dveri}}

[[File:Bosko Obradovic-mc.rs.jpg|thumb|alt=A photo of Boško Obradović|Boško Obradović co-founded Dveri in 1999 as a student organisation. He was its president from 2015 to 2023.]] Initially a [[political organisation]], Dveri was formed in 1999 by a group of students that had published a magazine named ''Dveri Srpske''.''{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=3}}'' [[Boško Obradović]], one of the co-founders of the organisation, led Dveri from 2015 to 2023.{{Sfn|Istinomer|2020a}}{{Sfn|Radio Free Europe|2023a}} Dveri already had the characteristics of a political party in the late 2000s, although it only registered as a political party in 2015.''{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=482}}''{{Sfn|RTV Šabac|2015}} The party began participating in electoral politics in 2012 and has continued to do so since then, although it boycotted the 2020 parliamentary election.{{Sfn|Radio Television of Vojvodina|2011}}{{Sfn|Dobrilović|2020}} The party entered the National Assembly in 2016 after winning 7 seats in the parliamentary election.{{Sfn|Radio Television of Serbia|2016}} It was later a part of the catch-all opposition [[Alliance for Serbia]].{{Sfn|Cvetković|Nikitović|2019}} Dveri returned to the National Assembly following the 2022 election.{{Sfn|Radio Television of Vojvodina|2022}} It has also proven to have a relatively stable electorate at the national level.''{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=482}}'' Dveri had previously cooperated with [[United Russia]] and [[Alternative for Germany]].{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=41}}

Throughout the 2000s, Dveri promoted a combination of clericalism and extreme nationalism named ''[[svetosavlje]]'', an ideology linked to Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=3}} Dveri promotes closer ties between the state and church, and has been accused of homophobia due to their Christian right stances.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=3}} Máté-Tóth described Dveri as a religious fundamentalist party.{{Sfn|Máté-Tóth|Rughinis|2011|p=259}} Dveri has regularly organised "family walks" since 2009, as a counter-parade that promotes conservative values.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=6}}{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=193}}'' It also has close ties with the Serbian Orthodox Church.{{Sfn|Tomić|2014}} Dveri has also campaigned against abortion and gay rights.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=3}}{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=193}} A populist party,{{Sfn|Crosby|2019}} Dveri shifted their views from Jews to homosexuals and later campaigned for the "traditional family".''{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=482}}'' It has also campaigned against immigration.{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=19}} Regarding economics, Dveri is supportive of [[economic nationalism]] and [[protectionism]].{{Sfn|Reuters|2016}}{{Sfn|Cvejić|Spasojević|Stanojević|Todosijević|2020|p=8}} It also advocates for [[monarchism]] and supports a [[Hierarchy|hierarchical society]] that would be governed by a king and pseudo-democratic institutions which would eventually replace liberal democracy.{{sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=3}} Dveri is opposed to Serbia joining the European Union, and has shown its opposition to the West and its support for Russia.''{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=|pp=487–488}}''{{Sfn|Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska|2019|p=68}} [[Vladan Glišić]], a former high-ranking member, accused the European Union of being "fascist".''{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=490}}'' It opposes sanctioning Russia in regards to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.{{Sfn|Radio Television of Serbia|2022}}

Scholars have described Dveri as far-right and [[Right wing extremist|right-wing extremist]], while Rada Drezgić described it as a conservative movement.{{Sfn|Jureković|2016|p=115}}''{{sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2018|p=484}}'' Bakić rejected describing Dveri as fascist and instead described it as extremely conservative, nationalist and [[Right-wing antiglobalism|anti-globalist]].{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=|pp=2–3}} It has been also ideologically identified as ultranationalist.{{Sfn|Radio Free Europe|2014}} Dinić's comments on their political programme describe it as a fusion of ultranationalism with elements of fascism.{{Sfn|Stakić|2015|p=193}} Political scientists [[Florian Bieber]] and Filip Milačić have also described Dveri as far-right.{{Sfn|Bieber|2019}}{{Sfn|Milačić|2022|p=78}} Obradović himself has described Dveri as an [[Anti-fascism|anti-fascist]] party.{{Sfn|Popović|2020}}

==== Serbian Party Oathkeepers ==== {{main|Serbian Party Oathkeepers}}

Formed in 2012, the Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ) has been described as a far-right political party.''{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=33}}'' [[Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski]] has been the main spokesperson of the party since its formation.{{Sfn|Istinomer|2020b}} SSZ had attacked non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and labelled them "foreign mercenaries".''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=33}}'' SSZ has also been aided by the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).{{Sfn|Ilić|2020}} It has cooperated with the Italian [[Lega Nord]] party and has had meetings with United Russia.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=41}} In 2016, its representatives met with [[Sergey Lavrov]] during his visit to Belgrade.{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}}

An ultranationalist party, SSZ promotes socially conservative views and opposes immigration.{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}}{{Sfn|Crosby|2018}}{{Sfn|Boom93|2020}} SSZ has been a vocal supporter of historical revisionism; claiming that "Serbians have been victims of the West" and supporting the revision of history textbooks.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=11}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2021|p=11}} It opposes Serbia joining the European Union and wants to establish closer ties with Russia.{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}} It has regularly participated in parliamentary elections, although it only managed to cross the threshold after the 2022 election.{{Sfn|Cvetković|2022}} It lost participation in the 2023 election, but Đurđević Stamenkovski became a government minister in 2024.{{Sfn|N1|2023}}{{Sfn|N1|2024}}

==== Serbian Radical Party ==== {{main|Serbian Radical Party}}

[[File:Izbori 2012 - plakati Vojislav Šešelj (1).JPG|thumb|alt=Serbian Radical Party posters during the 2012 campaign period|The Serbian Radical Party (SRS) was the most prominent far-right party in Serbia]] Often described as the most prominent far-right party in Serbia, the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) was founded in 1991 and has been led by Vojislav Šešelj since its foundation.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=1}}{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=147}} SRS supported Milošević and his SPS in the first half of the 1990s, as Milošević contributed to the mass support that SRS received due to media control.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=2}}{{Sfn|Pribićević|1999|p=193}} It also briefly served in opposition, but it again cooperated with SPS during the "war government".{{Sfn|Bugajski|2002|p=417}} Members of SRS were involved in paramilitary activities during the Yugoslav Wars.{{Sfn|Batt|2005|p=56}} Šešelj was convicted of war crimes by the [[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]] (ICTY) in 2003, and later that year, after campaigning on an anti-corruption platform, it placed first in the 2003 parliamentary election, but did not join the government.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=2}}{{Sfn|Spoerri|2015|p=123}} [[Tomislav Nikolić]] and Aleksandar Vučić gradually moderated the image of the party, although in 2008 they split from SRS to form the SNS.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=2}} In comparison with SRS, SNS has been supportive of accession of Serbia to the European Union.{{Sfn|Stojarová|2012|p=150}} SRS dropped out of parliament in 2012, although it returned in 2016 after Šešelj was permitted to come back to Serbia.{{Sfn|B92|2016}}{{Sfn|Vreme|2012}}{{Sfn|Domanović|Ristić|2014}} In the 2020 election and onwards, it has not received enough votes to cross the electoral threshold.{{Sfn|Cvetković|2022}}

An ultranationalist party,{{Sfn|Batt|2005|p=8}} it was also described as neo-fascist during the 1990s.{{Sfn|Ottaway|1993}}{{Sfn|Traynor|2004}} Observers have also described it as quasi-fascist.{{Sfn|Batt|2005|p=56}} SRS is a major proponent of Greater Serbia, an irredentist concept that would include parts of [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]], Croatia, [[Montenegro]], and Kosovo.{{Sfn|Stojarová|2012|p=150}}{{Sfn|Mardell|2007}} A populist party,{{Sfn|Stojarová|Vykoupilová|2008|p=101}} it opposes Serbia joining the European Union and promotes closer ties with Russia.{{Sfn|N1|2022}} It is socially conservative and is in favour of [[welfare chauvinism]].{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=5}}{{Sfn|Stojarová|2012|p=150}} SRS was previously supported by [[White power skinhead|far-right skinheads]], although they terminated their support following Šešelj's refusal to support them after the murder of a Romani child in 1999.{{Sfn|Bakić|2013|p=2}}

Serbian Radical Party has local branches in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and North Macedonia.''{{Sfn|Kelly|2019|p=10}}'' It was also the guest of [[Vladimir Zhirinovsky]], leader of the [[Liberal Democratic Party of Russia]].{{Sfn|BBC News|2022}}

==== Serbian Right ==== {{main|Serbian Right}}

Serbian Right (SD) is a far-right political party led by Miša Vacić. Vacić previously headed SNP 1389.''{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}}{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=30}}'' The party was formed out of fifteen movements that held similar ideological beliefs,{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}} while it also received support from Jim Dowson, a British far-right activist, as well as from local political leaders.{{sfn|Smith|Pantović|2021}}{{Sfn|Lažetić|2018|p=158}} Observers have claimed that the party was under control of Aleksandar Vučić.{{sfn|Eror|2022a}}{{sfn|Smith|Pantović|2021}} During one of its early assembly conferences in Šabac, Vacić threatened opposition politicians Marinika Tepić and [[Nebojša Zelenović]] with violence.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=31}}'' Government associates such as [[Milenko Jovanov]] and [[Zoran Đorđević (politician)|Zoran Đorđević]] participated in the conference.''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=52}}'' Vacić also organised attacks against opposition figures in 2017 and 2019.{{sfn|Smith|Pantović|2021}} Later in June 2021, Vacić attended a meeting that was organised by the neo-fascist [[Alliance for Peace and Freedom]].{{Sfn|Todorović|2021}} Vacić was a presidential candidate in the 2022 election; he won 0.9 percent of the popular vote.{{Sfn|Euronews|2022a}}

As an ultranationalist party,{{Sfn|Mörner|2021|p=148}} it has promoted traditionalism,{{Sfn|Mladenov Jovanović|2020|p=14}} and stated its support for Serbia joining the [[Eurasian Economic Union]].{{Sfn|Ilić|2020}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=30}}'' Vacić has stated his support for the Russian invasion of Ukraine.{{sfn|Rujević|2022}} According to its programme, the party supports the formation of a patriarchal and hierarchal society, as well as monarchy, authority, and Serbian Orthodoxy.{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=11}} Its rhetoric has been considered to be racist and anti-migrant.{{Sfn|Ilić|2020}} Vacić and his party have cooperated with the neo-fascist [[Alliance for Peace and Freedom]] European party.{{Sfn|Euronews|2022b}}

=== Others === [[File:Toroczkai László.png|thumb|alt=A portrait picture of László Toroczkai|200x200px|[[László Toroczkai]] led the Hungarian far-right [[Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement]]. ]] Far-right organisations such as Sveti Justin Filozof and Nomokanon had also received media attention.{{Sfn|Orlović|2008}}{{Sfn|B92|2005}} Sveti Justin Filozof was a nationalist organisation that was led by Milan Bates. It later moderated their stances, although it was dissolved by 2008.{{Sfn|Byford|2008|p=14}} Nomokanon was aided by the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC).{{Sfn|Gligorijević|2011}} Rasonalisti, a neo-Nazi organisation, was active throughout the 2000s.{{Sfn|Skrozza|2005}}{{Sfn|Radoman|2007|p=3}} They had rejected the [[left–right political spectrum]] and instead supported "[[racial nationalism]]".{{Sfn|Politika|2008}} Rasonalisti also operated an Internet forum, which acted similar to Stormfront.{{Sfn|Radoman|2007|p=26}} Solidarité Kosovo, a far-right organisation, is led by [[Arnaud Gouillon]] and it promotes historical revisionism.{{Sfn|Ispanović|2022}}{{Sfn|Tika|2022}} Gouillion took part in the [[2012 French presidential election]], in which he was a candidate for the white supremacist [[Generation Identity]] movement.{{Sfn|Tregoures|2019}} In 2020, he was appointed to the position of director of the Office for Cooperation with the Diaspora and the Serbs in the Region.{{Sfn|Bogdanović|2020b}} Zentropa Srbija is a neo-Nazi group that has praised Nedić and organised a gathering to mark the anniversary of his suicide in 2023.{{Sfn|Radio Free Europe|2023b}} [[Party of Serbian Unity]] was a far-right political party led by [[Arkan|Željko Ražnatović "Arkan"]].{{Sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=8}} An ultranationalist party,{{Sfn|CNN|2000}} it was represented in the National Assembly during the 2000–2003 convocation.{{Sfn|Božić Krainčanić|2020}}

The far-right [[Hungarian nationalist]] [[Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement]], which was led by [[László Toroczkai]], was formed in Serbia in 2004.{{Sfn|von Ahn|2007}}{{Sfn|B92|2004}} It advocated for separatism and the re-creation of [[Hungarian irredentism|Greater Hungary]].{{Sfn|B92|2004}} Toroczkai was banned from entering Serbia by the government in 2008.{{Sfn|Balkan Insight|2008}} Before forming the Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement, Toroczkai was associated with the far-right [[Hungarian Justice and Life Party]] (MIÉP), and later served as vice-president of the ultranationalist [[Jobbik]].{{Sfn|András|2016}}{{Sfn|Daily News Hungary|2018}} Toroczkai was expelled from Jobbik, which had shifted ideologically to the centre-right, and then formed the [[Our Homeland Movement]] in 2018.{{Sfn|Daily News Hungary|2018}}{{Sfn|Sarnyai|2018}} By 2023, Toroczkai had shifted from his anti-Serbian stance, forming an alliance between Our Homeland Movement and the Serbian Party Oathkeepers and Dveri, and urging unity between nationalists in the two countries.{{sfn|Novinska agencija Beta|2023}}

== Individuals == Vojislav Šešelj, the president of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), has been noted to be the most famous far-right individual in Serbia.{{Sfn|Zorić|2018}} Alongside him, [[Tomislav Nikolić]] and Aleksandar Vučić, who were high-ranking members of SRS, were also noted as notable far-right individuals.{{Sfn|Bilefsky|2008b}}{{Sfn|Wood|2004}} Nikolić and Vučić abandoned the far-right after forming the populist [[Serbian Progressive Party]] (SNS) in 2008.{{Sfn|Radio Television of Serbia|2008}}{{Sfn|Radio Free Europe|2008}} SNS came to power in 2012, after which Serbia has suffered from [[democratic backsliding]] into authoritarianism.{{Sfn|Voltmer|2019|p=6}}{{Sfn|Bieber|2008|p=340}} Šešеlj expressed support for Vučić in the 2022 election.{{Sfn|Nedeljnik|2022}}

Individuals such as Boško Obradović, Miša Vacić, and Mladen Obradović have been described as notable far-right individuals.{{Sfn|Ivković|2019}} Vacić has been a prominent far-right individual since the 2000s, mainly due to regularly attending and organising far-right protests, as well as due to his arrests.{{Sfn|Gligorijević|2010}}''{{Sfn|Kisić|2020|p=52}}'' Vacić was arrested several times for spreading hatred. Alongside him, Mladen Obradović, leader of Obraz, has received public attention due to his views.{{Sfn|Gligorijević|2010}} [[Srđan Nogo]], who previously served as member of the [[National Assembly (Serbia)|National Assembly]] from 2016 to 2020, has promoted multiple far-right [[Conspiracy theory|conspiracy theories]].{{sfn|Collectivism and Equality|2021|p=19}}

Žejko Ražnatović "Arkan" was a prominent [[mobster]] associated with far-right criminal and paramilitary groups.{{Sfn|Kešetović|Ninković|Milašinović|2012|p=290}} He led a group of Belgrade criminals and was the leader of the far-right [[Party of Serbian Unity]].{{Sfn|Traynor|2010}}{{Sfn|Wiesinger|2008|p=9}}

== See also == * [[Bosnian genocide denial]] * [[Neo-fascism]] * [[Neo-Nazism]] * [[Radical right (Europe)]] * [[Far-right politics in Croatia]]

== Notes == {{notelist}}

== References == {{Reflist}}

== Sources == {{Refbegin|30em}}

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Tauris|location=London|isbn=978-1-84511-697-2}} * {{cite book |last=LeBor|first=Adam|year=2003|title=Miloseivc: A Biography|publisher=A&C Black|isbn=978-0-7475-6181-1|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Om0OViTwCtkC}} * {{cite book |last=Vučićević|first=Damir|year=2017|title=Tito, Yugoslavia, and Communism: Historical Revisionism of the Second World War and its Competing Memories|publisher=Tufts University|location=Massachusetts|url=https://dl.tufts.edu/concern/pdfs/73666g92j}} * {{cite book |last1=Petrović|first1=Predrag|last2=Stakić|first2=Isidora|year=2018|title=Extremism Research Forum: Serbia Report|publisher=British Council|isbn=978-0-86355-896-2 }} * {{cite book |last=Spoerri|first=Marlene|year=2015|title=Engineering Revolution: The Paradox of Democracy Promotion in Serbia|publisher=University of Pennsylvania|isbn=978-0-8122-4645-2}} * {{cite book |last1=Džuverović|first1=Nemanja|last2=Stojarová|first2=Věra|year=2022|publisher=Taylor & Francis|title=Peace and Security in the Western Balkans: A Local Perspective|isbn=978-1-000-62872-2|doi=10.4324/9781003276661|location=Abingdon-on-Thames|s2cid=249104552 }} *{{cite book |last1=Ó Maoláin |first1=Ciarán |title=The Radical right: a world directory |date=1987 |publisher=Longman ABC-Clio |location=Harlow, GB Santa Barbara, Calif |isbn=0-582-90270-3 |url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780874365146/page/n3/mode/2up |chapter=Yugoslavia}} * {{cite book |last=Perry|first=Valery|year=2019|title=Extremism and Violent Extremism in Serbia|publisher=Books on Demand|isbn=978-3-8382-1260-9}} * {{cite book |last=Kisić|first=Izabela|year=2022|title=Uspon desnice: slučaj Srbija|publisher=Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia|language=sr|isbn=978-86-7208-224-1}} * {{cite book |last=Mitchell|first=Laurence|year=2017|publisher=Bradt Travel Guides|title=Serbia|isbn=978-1-78477-056-3}} * {{cite book |last1=Dörner|first1=Wolfgang|last2=List|first2=Regina A.|title=Civil Society, Conflict and Violence|year=2012|publisher=Bloomsbury|isbn=978-1-78093-047-3|location=London}} * {{cite book |last=McLeod|first=Laura|year=2015|publisher=Routledge|title=Gender Politics and Security Discourse: Personal-Political Imaginations and Feminism in 'Post-conflict' Serbia|isbn=978-1-317-63562-8}} * {{cite book |last=Bancroft|first=Ian|year=2020|title=Dragon's Teeth: Tales from North Kosovo|publisher=ibidem|isbn=978-3-8382-1364-4}} * {{cite book |last1=Jelača|first1=Dijana|last2=Kolanović|first2=Maša|last3=Lugarić|first3=Danijela|year=2017|publisher=Springer|title=The Cultural Life of Capitalism in Yugoslavia: (Post)Socialism and Its Other|isbn=978-3-319-47482-3}} * {{cite book|last=Stjepić|first=Darija|year=2020|location=Novi Sad|publisher=Novi Sad School of Journalism|title=Hate Speech and Stereotyping in Traditional and New Media|url=https://novinarska-skola.org.rs/sr/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Publikacija-o-govoru-mr%C5%BEnje-eng.pdf}}{{Dead link|date=August 2024 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }} * {{cite book |last=Byford|first=Jovan|year=2008|title=Denial and Repression of Antisemitism: Post-communist Remembrance of the Serbian Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović|publisher=Central European University Press|isbn=978-963-9776-15-9}} * {{cite book |last=Radoman|first=Marija|year=2007|title=Predstava o LGBT populaciji na desno-ekstremističkim web sajtovima u Srbiji|publisher=Faculty of Philosophy|location=Belgrade|url=https://pescanik.net/wp-content/PDF/lgbt.pdf}} * {{cite book |last1=Máté-Tóth|first1=András|last2=Rughinis|first2=Cosima|year=2011|publisher=Walter de Gruyter|title=Spaces and Borders: Current Research on Religion in Central and Eastern Europe|isbn=978-3-11-022814-4}} * {{cite book |last1=Cvejić|first1=Slobodan|last2=Spasojević|first2=Dušan|last3=Stanojević|first3=Dragan|last4=Todosijević|first4=Bojan|year=2020|title=Electoral Compass 2020: Analysis of the political landscape in Serbia|publisher=Friedrich Ebert Foundation|url=https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/belgrad/17213.pdf}} * {{cite book |last=Jureković|first=Predrag|year=2016|title=Violent extremism in the western Balkans|publisher=National Defence Academy|location=Vienna|isbn=978-3-902944-99-3|oclc=1066091374}} * {{cite book |last=Pribićević|first=Ognjen|year=1999|title=Changing Fortunes of the Serbian Radical Right|publisher=Penn State|isbn=978-0-271-01811-9}} * {{cite book |last=Bugajski|first=Janusz|year=2002|title=Serbian Radical Party (SRP)|publisher=M.E. 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=== Journals === * {{cite journal |last=Wiesinger |first=Barbara |title=The Continuing Presence of the Extreme Right in Post-Milošević Serbia |journal=Balkanologie |year=2008 |volume=11 |issue=1–2 |doi=10.4000/balkanologie.1363|doi-access=free }} * {{cite journal |last=Mladenov Jovanović |first=Srđan |title=The Dveri Movement Through a Discursive Lens: Serbia's Contemporary Right-Wing Nationalism |journal=Südosteuropa |publisher=De Gruyter Oldenbourg |year=2018 |volume=66 |doi=10.1515/soeu-2018-0038 |issue=4|pages=481–502 |s2cid=158394022 |doi-access=free }} * {{cite journal |last=Lažetić |first=Marina |url=https://scindeks.ceon.rs/article.aspx?artid=2217-995X1802131L |title="Migration Crisis" and the Far Right Networks in Europe: A Case Study of Serbia |journal=Journal of Regional Security |publisher=Belgrade Centre for Security Policy |year=2018 |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=131–178 |doi=10.5937/JRS1802131L|doi-access=free }} * {{cite journal |last1=Kešetović|first1=Želimir|last2=Ninković|first2=Vladimir|last3=Milašinović|first3=Srđan|title=Ekstremna desnica u Srbiji i rizik desnog terorizma|journal=Kultura Polisa |year=2012|volume=9 |issue=1 |pages=287–309 |url=https://kpolisa.com/index.php/kp/article/view/1349/1294|publisher=University of Belgrade|language=sr}} * {{cite journal |last=Ramet|first=Sabrina|title=Serbia since July 2008: at the Doorstep of the EU|journal=Comparative Southeast European Studies |doi=10.1515/soeu-2010-580105|year=2010|volume=58 |pages=15–40 |publisher=De Gruyter Oldenbourg|s2cid=236535263 |doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last=Newman|first=John Paul|title=War Veterans, Fascism, and Para-Fascist Departures in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1918–1941|journal=Fascism |year=2017|volume=6 |pages=42–74|doi=10.1163/22116257-00601003|publisher=Brill|s2cid=159471617 |doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last=Bakić|first=Jovo|title=Fašizam u Jugoslaviji (1918–1941)|journal=Nova Srpska Politička Misao |year=2005|pages=21–43|volume=1|issn=1450-7382}} * {{cite journal |last=Kindersley|first=R. K.|title=The Failure of the Chetniks|journal=Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue Canadienne des Slavistes |year=1976|volume=18 |issue=4 |pages=460–463 |publisher=Taylor & Francis, Ltd.|doi=10.1080/00085006.1976.11091469 |jstor=40867508}} * {{cite journal |last=Guzina|first=Dejan|journal=International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society|title=Socialist Serbia's Narratives: From Yugoslavia to a Greater Serbia|publisher=Springer|year=2003|volume=17|issue=1 |pages=91–111 |doi=10.1023/A:1025341010886 |jstor=20020199|s2cid=140426711 }} * {{cite journal |last=Bieber|first=Florian|year=2003|journal=International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society|title=The Serbian Opposition and Civil Society: Roots of the Delayed Transition in Serbia|jstor=20020198|publisher=Springer|volume=17|issue=1 |pages=73–90 |doi=10.1023/A:1025388926816 |s2cid=142950404 }} * {{cite journal |last=Spasić|first=Ivana|year=2008|journal=Balkanologie: Revue d'Études Pluridisciplinaires|title=Serbia 2000-2008: a changing political culture?|publisher=Association française d'études sur les Balkans|volume=11|issue=1–2 |doi=10.4000/balkanologie.1282|issn=1965-0582|doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last=Kohl|first=Owen Nathaniel|journal=Signs and Society|volume=4|year=2016|title=Debating the Industrial Limits of Domestic Hip Hop|issue=2 |pages=302–332 |doi=10.1086/688642|s2cid=157071582 }} * {{cite journal |last=Kovačević|first=Predrag|publisher=University of Novi Sad|location=Novi Sad|title=Between the First and the Second Serbia: On the Political and Class Dimension of Hip-hop Subculture in Serbia|journal=[[Sociološki pregled]] |doi=10.5937/socpreg52-16767|year=2018|volume=52 |issue=3 |pages=699–720 |doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last=Stakić|first=Isidora|year=2015|title=Securitization of LGBTIQ Minorities in Serbian Farright Discourses: A Post-structuralist Perspective|journal=Intersections |volume=1 |doi= 10.17356/ieejsp.v1i1.17|publisher=Belgrade Centre for Security Policy|doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last1=Pavasović Trost|first1=Tamara|last2=Kovačević|first2=Nikola|title=Football, hooliganism and nationalism: the reaction to Serbia's gay parade in reader commentary online|journal=Sport in Society |publisher=Routledge|year=2013|volume=16|issue=8 |pages=1054–1076 |doi=10.1080/17430437.2013.801224|s2cid=144835897 }} * {{cite journal |last=Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska|first=Mirella|location=Lublin|year=2019|doi=10.36874/RIESW.2019.4.3|title=Dynamics of the Serbian EU accession process – key issues and the challenges of state democratisation in an era of populism|issn=1732-1395|s2cid=216381936|journal=Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej|volume=17 |issue=4 |pages=49–77 |url=https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/154477 |language=pl|url-access=subscription}} * {{cite journal|last1=Stojarová|first1=Věra|last2=Vykoupilová|first2=Hana|year=2008|title=Populism in the Balkans: The Case of Serbia|journal=Stredoevropské Politické Studie|publisher=Central European Political Studies|issn=1212-7817|url=http://www.cepsr.com/dwnld/stojarovavykoupilova2008020302.pdf|access-date=30 July 2022|archive-date=2 February 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202013226/http://www.cepsr.com/dwnld/stojarovavykoupilova2008020302.pdf|url-status=dead}} * {{cite journal |last=Mladenov Jovanović|first=Srđan|year=2020|title=A New Political Scarecrow? The Political Program and Activity of the "Serbian Right"|journal=Suvremene Teme |volume=11 |pages=11–26 |doi=10.46917/st.11.1.1|publisher=Hrčak|s2cid=232858193 |doi-access=free}} * {{cite journal |last=Bieber|first=Florian|year=2008|title=Patterns of competitive authoritarianism in the Western Balkans|journal=East European Politics|volume=34 |issue=3 |pages=337–354 |doi=10.1080/21599165.2018.1490272|s2cid=158413291|doi-access=free}}

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|access-date=9 December 2023 |website=Novinska agencija Beta |quote=Lideri koalicije "Nacionalno okupljanje" Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski i Boško Obradović ocenili su na današnjem skupu u Beogradu, zajedno sa predstavnicima nekoliko nacionalno orijentisanih evropskih stranaka, da je neophodno formirati širi savez suverenističkih snaga kako bi se zaustavila migrantska kriza. ... Predsednik mađarske stranke Moja domovina Torockaj Laslo ocenio je da, ukoliko ne dođe do tog ujedinjenja, da će "Evropa i evropski narodi prestati da postoje". [The leaders of the "National Gathering" coalition, Milica Djurdjevic Stamenkovski and Bosko Obradovic, assessed at today's gathering in Belgrade, together with representatives of several nationally oriented European parties, that it is necessary to form a broader alliance of sovereignist forces in order to stop the migrant crisis. ... The president of the Hungarian Our Homeland party, Toroczkai Laszlo, said that if this unification does not take place, "Europe and European nations will cease to exist.] |language=sr}} {{refend}}

== External links == {{Commons category|Far-right politics in Serbia}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wc1MRpTNMpM Why won't Serbia condemn Putin's war? | Focus on Europe], on YouTube * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IBoCNKrG96A Riots Erupt at Serbia Gay Pride Parade], on YouTube * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CygLXkOHV4E Far-right disrupt Serbia gay pride parade], on YouTube

== Further reading == * Vučić, Marija (21 September 2021). [https://balkaninsight.com/2021/09/21/hate-lies-and-vigilantes-serbian-anti-vaxxer-brigade-plays-with-fire/ "Hate, Lies and Vigilantes: Serbian 'Anti-Vaxxer' Brigade Plays With Fire"] (in Serbian). ''[[Balkan Insight]]''.

[[Category:Far-right politics in Serbia| ]] [[Category:Anti-immigration politics in Europe]] [[Category:Anti-Islam sentiment in Serbia]] [[Category:Antisemitism in Serbia]] [[Category:Far-right politics in Europe]] [[Category:Fascist movements]] [[Category:Neo-Nazism in Serbia]] [[Category:Political history of Serbia]] [[Category:Political movements in Serbia]] [[Category:Serbian irredentism]] [[Category:Serbian nationalism]]