Byzantines

{{Short description|People of the Byzantine Empire}} {{About|the people of the Byzantine Empire|other uses|Byzantines (disambiguation)}} {{protection padlock|small=yes}} {{Use dmy dates|date=December 2020}} {{Infobox ethnic group | group = Byzantines | native_name = {{lang|grc|Ῥωμαῖοι}} | native_name_lang = | flag =  | flag_caption = | image = File:Workers in the vineyard, Minuscule 269 (11th century).jpg | image_caption = Scenes of agricultural life in a Byzantine Gospel of the 11th century | total =  | total_year =  | total_source =  | total_ref =  | genealogy = | regions = Byzantine Empire (esp. Asia Minor, Balkans)

| languages = Medieval Greek | religions = Eastern Orthodox Christianity | related_groups = Romioi, Greeks | footnotes = }}

The '''Byzantines''' or '''East Romans''' ({{langx|grc|Ῥωμαῖοι|translit=Rōmaîoi}}) were the Byzantine Empire's main inhabitants. They understood their identity as Roman, within a predominantly Greek-speaking and Christian context. From the 6th century CE onward, they were increasingly associated in Western sources with a Greek identity and with what is now known as the Eastern Orthodox denomination. Following the decline of the empire and the fall of Constantinople, most Byzantines came under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, where they were organised within the Rum millet.

==Terminology== {{See also|Names of the Greeks}} The adjective "Byzantine", derived from {{transliteration|grc|Byzantion}} ({{lang|la|Byzantium}} in Latin), the name of the Greek settlement on which Constantinople was founded, originally referred only to the inhabitants of the city.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2022a|1p=349|Theodoropoulos|2021|2p=26|Kaldellis|2024|3p=9}} Its usage began to broaden when Theodore Metochites{{sfn|Magdalino|2025|pp=41–43}} and Laonikos Chalkokondyles employed "Byzantine" to denote the people of the empire as a whole; a development later widely propagated by Hieronymus Wolf.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2022a|p=352}} However, it was not until the mid-19th century that historians began systematically applying "Byzantines" to the empire's inhabitants, and the term is now regarded by many scholars as contentious.{{sfnm|Kaldellis|2024|1p=9|Shepard|2025a|2p=6}} For most of the preceding millennium, the "Byzantines" were more commonly described as "Greeks".{{sfn|Kaldellis|2024|p=9}}

During most of the Middle Ages, the Byzantines identified as "Romans". "Roman, Greek (if not used in its sense of 'pagan') and Christian became synonymous terms, counterposed to 'foreigner', 'barbarian', 'infidel'. The citizens of the Empire, now predominantly of Greek ethnicity and language, were often called simply the 'people who bear Christ's name'".<ref name="Harrison268">{{harvnb|Harrison|2002|p=268}}: "Roman, Greek (if not used in its sense of 'pagan') and Christian became synonymous terms, counterposed to 'foreigner', 'barbarian', 'infidel'. The citizens of the Empire, now predominantly of Greek ethnicity and language, were often called simply ό χριστώνυμος λαός ['the people who bear Christ's name']."</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Earl|1968|p=148}}.</ref>

The Latin term ''Graikoí'' (from Γραικοί, "Greeks") was also used,<ref>Paul the Silentiary. ''Descriptio S. Sophiae et Ambonis'', 425, Line 12 ("χῶρος ὅδε Γραικοῖσι"); Theodore the Studite. ''Epistulae'', 419, Line 30 ("ἐν Γραικοῖς").</ref> which was rare in official Byzantine political correspondence prior to the Fourth Crusade of 1204.<ref>{{harvnb|Angelov|2007|p=96 (including footnote #67)}}; {{harvnb|Makrides|2009|loc=Chapter 2: "Christian Monotheism, Orthodox Christianity, Greek Orthodoxy", p. 74}}; {{harvnb|Magdalino|1991|loc=Chapter XIV: "Hellenism and Nationalism in Byzantium", p. 10}}.</ref> The name ''Hellenes'' was synonymous to "pagan" in popular use, but was revived as an ethnonym in the Middle Byzantine period (11th century).<ref>{{harvnb|Cameron|2009|p=7}}.</ref>

While in the West the term "Roman" acquired a new meaning in connection with the Catholic Church and the Bishop of Rome, the Greek form "Romaioi" remained attached to the Greek-speakers of the Byzantine Empire.<ref>Encyclopædia Britannica (2009), "History of Europe: The Romans".</ref> Despite the shift in terminology in the West, the Byzantines Empire's eastern neighbors, such as the Arabs, continued to refer to them as "Romans", as for instance in the 30th Surah of the Quran (Ar-Rum).<ref>{{Cite Quran|30|2|end=5}}</ref> The signifier "Roman" (Rum millet, "Roman nation") was also used by the Byzantines' later Ottoman rivals, and its Turkish equivalent Rûm, "Roman", continues to be used officially by the government of Turkey to denote the Greek Orthodox natives (Rumlar) of Istanbul, as well as the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople ({{langx|tr|Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi}}, "Roman Orthodox Patriarchate"<ref>In Turkey, it is also referred to unofficially as ''Fener Rum Patrikhanesi'', "Roman Patriarchate of the Phanar".</ref>).<ref name="Doumanis">{{harvnb|Doumanis|2014|p=210}}.</ref> The term Rum continued to be used as an exonym in various contexts.

Among Slavic populations of southeast Europe, such as Bulgarians and Serbs the name most commonly translated was "Greki" (Greeks). Some Slavonic texts during the early medieval era also used the terms ''Rimljani'' or ''Romei''.<ref>Nikolov, A. Empire of the Romans or Tsardom of the Greeks? The Image of Byzantium in the Earliest Slavonic Translations from Greek. – Byzantinoslavica, 65 (2007), 31–39.</ref> At least one 11th-century Bulgarian source is attested which refers to "Ellini rimski" (Roman Hellenes).<ref>{{Cite book |last=Biliarsky |first=Ivan |url=https://brill.com/display/title/20553 |title=The Tale of the Prophet Isaiah |publisher=Brill |year=2013 |location=Leiden |page=18}}</ref> In most medieval Bulgarian sources the Byzantine Emperors were the "Tsars of the Greeks" and the Byzantine Empire was known as "Tsardom of the Greeks". Both rulers of the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea were also "Greek tsars ruling over Greek people".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Herrin |first1=Judith |last2=Saint-Guillain |first2=Guillaume |title=Identities and Allegiances in the Eastern Mediterranean After 1204 |date=2011 |publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. |isbn=9781409410980 |page=111 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=p_mazcfdpVIC&pg=PA118 |language=en}}</ref>

Equally, among Nordic people such as Icelanders, Varangians (Vikings) and other Scandinavian people, they were called "Grikkr" (Greeks). There are various runic inscriptions left in Norway, Sweden and even in Athens by travellers and members of the Varangian Guard like Greece runestones and the Piraeus Lion which we meet the terms ''Grikkland'' (Greece) and ''Grikkr'' referring to their ventures in Byzantine Empire and their interaction with the Byzantines.<ref>Jakobsson, Sverrir. (2016). The Varangian Legend. Testimony from the Old Norse sources. pp. 346–361 [https://www.academia.edu/26529047/The_Varangian_legend_testimony_from_the_Old_Norse_sources]</ref>

==History== The Byzantines are a Greek-speaking and Orthodox Christian people that historically inhabited the lands of the Byzantine Empire during Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages;{{efn|{{harvnb|Stouraitis|2017|pp=70, 75}}; {{harvnb|Shukurov|2011|pp=180-181}}; {{harvnb|Malatras|2011|pp=421–422}}}}{{efn|<ref>"Outside the cities, Byzantine Greeks and Turks were neighbours{{nbsp}}..." in Jonathan Harris, 2011, ''The End of Byzantium'', p. 57</ref><ref>{{cite book|editor-first1=John|editor-last1=Burke|editor-first2=Roger|editor-last2=Scott | title = Byzantine Macedonia, Identity Image and History|isbn = 9789004344730 | publisher = Brill | year = 2000 | quote = "The story of Alexander the Great, in both prose and verse form, was a popular favorite which nurtured generations of Byzantine Greeks"| page=110 |url={{GBurl|Yyk_DwAAQBAJ}} }}</ref><ref>Petros Bouras-Vallianatos, 2020, Innovation in Byzantine Medicine The Writings of John Zacharias Aktouarios (c. 1275 – c. 1330), p. 161, "The distinction between Greeks (Hellenes) or Byzantine Greeks (Rhomaioi) and those living outside the Empire, i.e. 'barbarians' (barbaroi) was common-place{{nbsp}}..."</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Agrigoroaei |first=Vladimir |title=The Culture of Latin Greece: Seven Tales from the 13th and 14th centuries |year=2022 |publisher=Brill |series=East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 |isbn=978-90-04-52422-4 |page= |quote= "This exceptional period in Greece when Byzantine Greeks and Crusader Latins attempted to co-exist has recently become a subject for more detailed coverage and assessment."}}</ref>{{sfn|Lamers|2015|ps=; "the Byzantine Greeks in Italy were dependent on Latin support"|p=63}}{{sfn|Laiou|Morrisson|2007|p=211|ps=; "As far as the 'Byzantine' Greeks and those of the Black Sea coasts are concerned"}}<ref>{{cite book|editor-last=Stock|editor-first=Markus| title = Alexander the Great in the Middle Ages, Transcultural Perspectives| isbn=9781442644663 | publisher = University of Toronto Press|year = 2016| url = {{GBurl|2nqMCwAAQBAJ}} | quote = "through (Hellenist) Greeks and came back to the (Byzantine) Greeks again. Like Alexander, a pre-Roman Greek, the 'Roman Greeks,' the Byzantines, play the role of mediators"|page = 37}}</ref><ref>{{cite book| editor-first =Nickiphoros I.|editor-last= Tsougarakis | editor-first2= Peter | editor-last2 = Lock | title = A Companion to Latin Greece | series = Brill's Companions to European History | volume= 6 | year = 2015 | quote = "as a result crusading was directed mainly against the Byzantine Greeks." |page=29 | isbn = 978-90-04-28410-4}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | editor-first = Gregory | editor-last = Nagy | year = 2014 | publisher = Routledge | title = Greek Literature in the Byzantine Period | quote = "it will be seen that the tradition of literary language inherited by the post-Byzantine Greek world was a very complex one" | isbn = 9780203616901 | page = 128 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Horden|first= Peregrine|title= How Medicalised were Byzantine Hospitals? | journal=Vorträge und Forschungen| volume= 65| pages = 213–235 | year=2007 | quote = "Were the Byzantine Greeks just as imitative?" | url=https://journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/vuf/article/download/17783/11594}}</ref>}} They represented the dominant culture of the empire, which they called ''Rhomania'' ({{langx|grc|Ῥωμανία}}), primarily in the southern Balkans, Asia Minor, and other parts of the eastern Mediterranean. Throughout their history, they self-identified as Romans ({{langx|grc|Ῥωμαῖοι}}, ''Rhōmaîoi''); medieval Europeans called them Greeks in their languages, while in the Islamic world they were known as ''Rum''.

Use of Greek was already widespread in the eastern Roman Empire when Constantine I ({{reign|306|337}}) moved its capital to Constantinople, while Thrace and Anatolia (which now made up the core of the empire) had also been hellenized by early Byzantine times.{{sfn|Horrocks|2010|pp=207–298}}<ref>Warren Treadgold, 2002, A Concise History of Byzantium, "Within the huge Prefecture of the East, the Diocese of Thrace and the dioceses of Asiana and Pontica in Anatolia made up the core of the new Byzantine Empire. They formed the empire's geographical and political center and the natural hinterlands of its new capital of Constantinople, which as it grew in population and wealth was already becoming the hub of the empire's trade routes. With the decline of the native Thracian and Anatolian languages and the spread of Greek, Anatolia and Thrace had also become the real center of the Greek world, richer and more populous than Greece itself and linked to the Hellenized coastlands of Syria and Egypt. All three dioceses fell under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople."</ref> The empire lost its predominantly non-Greek speaking provinces (Syria, Egypt, North Africa) by the 7th century Muslim conquests and its population was overwhelmingly Greek-speaking by the 8th century.<ref>{{harvnb|Treadgold|2002|p=142}}; {{harvnb|Stathakopoulos|2023|pp=7–8}}.</ref> Unlike the early medieval West, the Greek education of the East was more advanced, resulting in widespread basic literacy. Success came easily to Greek-speaking merchants, who enjoyed a strong position in international trade.

After the fall of the empire, the Ottomans used the term "Rum millet" ("Roman nation") for their Greek and Eastern Orthodox populations.<ref>{{harvnb|Asdrachas|2005|p=8}}: "On the part of the Ottoman conquerors, already from the early years of the conquest, the word Rum meant at the same time their subjects of the Christian Orthodox faith and also those speaking Greek, as distinct from the neighbouring Albanians or Vlachs."</ref> It increasingly transformed into an ethnic identity, marked by Greek language and Orthodoxy, shaping modern Greek identity.<ref name="Ricks Magdalino p.">{{cite book | last1=Ricks | first1=David | last2=Magdalino | first2=Paul | title=Byzantium and the Modern Greek Identity | publisher=Routledge | date=2016-12-05 | isbn=978-1-315-26098-3 | doi=10.4324/9781315260983 | page=}}</ref><ref name="harvnb_kaldellis_2007">{{harvnb|Kaldellis|2007|pp=42–43}}.</ref> Although the term 'Hellen' was briefly revived by the Nicaenean elite and in intellectual circles by Gemistos Plethon and John Argyropoulos,<ref>{{harvnb|Angold|1975|p=65}}.</ref> the Roman self-identification persisted until the Greek Revolution, when 'Hellen' came to replace it. Greeks still sometimes use "Romioi" ("Romans") in addition to "Hellenes", and "Romaic" ("Roman") for the Modern Greek language.<ref>{{harvnb|Merry|2004|p=376}}; {{harvnb|Institute for Neohellenic Research|2005|p=8}}; {{harvnb|Kakavas|2002|p=29}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Kaplanis|2014|pp=88, 97}}.</ref>

==Culture== ===Language=== {{Main|Medieval Greek|Koine Greek}}

[[File:Greek manuscript uncial 4th century.png|thumb|200px|Uncial script, from a 4th-century Septuagint manuscript.]] [[File:Hellenistic Greek-MAP.jpg|thumb|Greek-speaking areas during the Hellenistic period (323 to 31 BC) {{legend|blue|Areas where Greek speakers probably were a majority}} {{legend|#0099cc|Areas that were significantly Hellenized}}]] The Eastern Roman Empire was in language and civilization a Greek society.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2003|p=59}}.</ref> Linguistically, Byzantine or medieval Greek is situated between the Hellenistic (Koine) and modern phases of the language.<ref>{{harvnb|Alexiou|2001|p=22}}.</ref> After the conquests of Alexander the Great, during the Hellenistic era, Koine Greek had been the lingua franca of the educated elites of the Eastern Mediterranean, spoken natively in the southern Balkans, the Greek islands, Asia Minor, Thrace and the ancient and Hellenistic Greek colonies of Southern Italy, the Black Sea, Western Asia and North Africa.<ref>{{harvnb|Goldhill|2006|pp=272–273}}.</ref> At the beginning of the Byzantine millennium, the ''koine'' (Greek: κοινή) remained the basis for spoken Greek and Christian writings, while Attic Greek was the language of the philosophers and orators.<ref name="Alexiou23">{{harvnb|Alexiou|2001|p=23}}.</ref>

As Christianity became the dominant religion, Attic began to be used in Christian writings in addition to and often interspersed with ''koine'' Greek.<ref name="Alexiou23"/> Nonetheless, from the 6th at least until the 12th century, Attic remained entrenched in the educational system; while further changes to the spoken language can be postulated for the early and middle Byzantine periods.<ref name="Alexiou23"/>

The population of the Byzantine Empire, at least in its early stages, had a variety of mother tongues including Greek.<ref name="Alexiou23"/> These included Latin, Aramaic, Coptic, and Caucasian languages, while Cyril Mango also cites evidence for bilingualism in the south and southeast.<ref name="Alexiou24">{{harvnb|Alexiou|2001|p=24}}.</ref> These influences, as well as an influx of people of Arabic, Celtic, Germanic, Turkic, and Slavic backgrounds, supplied medieval Greek with many loanwords that have survived in the modern Greek language.<ref name="Alexiou24"/> From the 11th century onward, there was also a steady rise in the literary use of the vernacular.<ref name="Alexiou24"/>

Following the Fourth Crusade, there was increased contact with the West; and the ''lingua franca'' of commerce became Italian. In the areas of the Crusader kingdoms a classical education (Greek: παιδεία, ''paideia'') ceased to be a ''sine qua non'' of social status, leading to the rise of the vernacular.<ref name="Alexiou24"/> From this era many beautiful works in the vernacular, often written by people deeply steeped in classical education, are attested.<ref name="Alexiou24"/> A famous example is the four Ptochoprodromic poems attributed to Theodoros Prodromos.<ref name="Alexiou24"/> From the 13th to the 15th centuries, the last centuries of the Empire, there arose several works, including laments, fables, romances, and chronicles, written outside Constantinople, which until then had been the seat of most literature, in an idiom termed by scholars as "Byzantine Koine".<ref name="Alexiou24"/>

However, the diglossia of the Greek-speaking world, which had already started in ancient Greece, continued under Ottoman rule and persisted in the modern Greek state until 1976, although Koine Greek remains the official language of the Greek Orthodox Church. As shown in the poems of Ptochoprodromos, an early stage of modern Greek had already been shaped by the 12th century and possibly earlier. Vernacular Greek continued to be known as "Romaic" ("Roman") until the 20th century.<ref>{{harvnb|Adrados|2005|p=226}}.</ref>

===Religion=== {{See also|Christianity as the Roman state religion|Chalcedonian Christianity|Eastern Orthodox Church}} [[File:Paris psaulter gr139 fol7v.jpg|thumb|200px|King David in the imperial purple (Paris Psalter).]] At the time of Constantine the Great (r. 306–337), barely 10% of the Roman Empire's population were Christians, with most of them being urban population and generally found in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. The majority of people still honoured the old gods in the public Roman way of ''religio''.<ref name="Mango96">{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=96}}.</ref> As Christianity became a complete philosophical system, whose theory and apologetics were heavily indebted to the Classic word, this changed.<ref name="Mango101">{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=101}}.</ref> In addition, Constantine, as Pontifex Maximus, was responsible for the correct ''cultus'' or ''veneratio'' of the deity which was in accordance with former Roman practice.<ref>{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=105}}.</ref> The move from the old religion to the new entailed some elements of continuity as well as break with the past, though the artistic heritage of paganism was literally broken by Christian zeal.<ref name="Mango111">{{harvnb|Mango|2002|p=111}}.</ref>

Christianity led to the development of a few phenomena characteristic of Byzantium. Namely, the intimate connection between Church and State, a legacy of Roman ''cultus''.<ref name="Mango111"/> Also, the creation of a Christian philosophy that guided Byzantines in their everyday lives.<ref name="Mango111"/> And finally, the dichotomy between the Christian ideals of the Bible and classical Greek ''paideia'' which could not be left out, however, since so much of Christian scholarship and philosophy depended on it.<ref name="Mango101"/><ref name="Mango111"/> These shaped Byzantine Greek character and the perceptions of themselves and others.

Christians at the time of Constantine's conversion made up only 10% of the population.<ref name="Mango96"/> This would rise to 50% by the end of the fourth century and 90% by the end of the fifth century.<ref name="Mango111"/> Emperor Justinian I (r. 527–565) then brutally mopped up the rest of the pagans, highly literate academics on one end of the scale and illiterate peasants on the other.<ref name="Mango111"/> A conversion so rapid seems to have been rather the result of expediency than of conviction.<ref name="Mango111"/>

The survival of the Empire in the East assured an active role of the emperor in the affairs of the Church. The Byzantine state inherited from pagan times the administrative and financial routine of organising religious affairs, and this routine was applied to the Christian Church. Following the pattern set by Eusebius of Caesarea, the Byzantines viewed the emperor as a representative or messenger of Christ, responsible particularly for the propagation of Christianity among pagans, and for the "externals" of the religion, such as administration and finances. The imperial role in the affairs of the Church never developed into a fixed, legally defined system, however.<ref name="Meyendorff13">{{harvnb|Meyendorff|1982|p=13}}.</ref>

With the decline of Rome, and internal dissension in the other Eastern patriarchates, the church of Constantinople became, between the 6th and 11th centuries, the richest and most influential centre of Christendom.<ref name="Meyendorff19">{{harvnb|Meyendorff|1982|p=19}}.</ref> Even when the Byzantine Empire was reduced to only a shadow of its former self, the Church, as an institution, exercised so much influence both inside and outside the imperial frontiers as never before. As George Ostrogorsky points out:<ref name="Meyendorff130">{{harvnb|Meyendorff|1982|p=130}}.</ref>

<blockquote>"The Patriarchate of Constantinople remained the center of the Orthodox world, with subordinate metropolitan sees and archbishoprics in the territory of Asia Minor and the Balkans, now lost to Byzantium, as well as in Caucasus, Russia and Lithuania. The Church remained the most stable element in the Byzantine Empire."</blockquote>

In terms of religion, Byzantine Greek Macedonia is also significant as being the home of Saints Cyril and Methodius, two Greek brothers from Thessaloniki (Salonika) who were sent on state-sponsored missions to proselytize among the Slavs of the Balkans and east-central Europe. This involved Cyril and Methodius having to translate the Christian Bible into the Slavs' own language, for which they invented an alphabet that became known as Old Church Slavonic. In the process, this cemented the Greek brothers' status as the pioneers of Slavic literature and those who first introduced Byzantine civilization and Orthodox Christianity to the hitherto illiterate and pagan Slavs.

==Identity== ===Self-perception=== {{POV section|date=March 2025}} [[File:Byzantinischer Mosaizist um 1020 001.jpg|thumb|11th century Hagia Sophia mosaic. On the left, Constantine IX "faithful in Christ the God, Emperor of the Romans".]] According to Stouraitis (2014), there have been three main approaches regarding the medieval Eastern Roman identity in Byzantine scholarship.<ref name="Stouraitis2014"/> * First, a school of thought that developed largely under the influence of modern Greek nationalism, treats Eastern Roman identity as the medieval form of a perennial Greek national identity.<ref>For statements of this view, see {{harvnb|Finkelberg|2012|p=20}} or {{harvnb|Stewart|Parnell|Whately|2022|pp=2-3: "...{{nbsp}}many Byzantines saw themselves as the proud heirs and continuers of a Hellenic intellectual and cultural tradition. Moreover, in the modern Greek nation-state, what is interpreted as the Byzantines' essentially Greek identity, (...) has and continues to play a critical part in Greek self-identification.}} (see also: {{harvnb|Savvides|Hendricks|2001}}).</ref> * Second, the view which could be regarded as preponderant in the field considers a multi-ethnic empire at least up to the 12th century, where the average subject identified as Roman.<ref name="Stouraitis2014"/> * Third, a line of thought views the empire as a pre-modern nation-state, where the eastern Roman identity had traits of pre-modern national identity.<ref name="Stouraitis2014">{{harvnb|Stouraitis|2014|pp=176, 177}} The main lines of thinking in the research on medieval Eastern Roman iden-tity could be roughly summarized as follows: The first, extensively influenced by the retrospective Modern Greek national discourse, approaches this identity as the medieval form of the perennial Greek national identity. The second, which could be regarded as preponderant within the field, albeit by no means monolithically concordant in its various utterances, speaks of a multi-ethnic im-perial state at least up to the twelfth century, the average subject of which identified as Roman. The third, and more recent, approach dismissed the supposition of a multi-ethnic empire and suggested that Byzantium should be regarded as a pre-modern Nation-State in which Romanness had the traits of national identity.</ref>

Throughout their history, the Byzantines identified as Romans (''Romaioi'').<ref>{{harvnb|Stouraitis|2017|p=70}}; {{harvnb|Kaldellis|2007|p=113}}</ref> The defining traits of being considered one of the ''Rhomaioi'' were being an Eastern Orthodox Christian and more importantly speaking Greek, characteristics which had to be acquired by birth if one was not to be considered an ''allogenes'' or even a barbarian.<ref>{{harvnb|Malatras|2011|pp=421–2}}</ref> The term mostly used to describe someone who was a foreigner to both the Byzantines and their state was ''ethnikós'' (Greek: {{lang|grc|ἐθνικός}}), a term which originally described non-Jews or non-Christians, but had lost its religious meaning.<ref name="Nomads">{{harvnb|Ahrweiler|Laiou|1998|pp=2–3}}.</ref> In a classicizing vein usually applied to other peoples, Byzantine authors regularly referred to their people as "Ausones", an ancient name for the original inhabitants of Italy.<ref>{{harvnb|Kaldellis|2007|p=66}}: "Just as the Byzantines referred to foreign peoples by classical names, making the Goths into Skythians and the Arabs into Medes, so too did they regularly call themselves Ausones, an ancient name for the original inhabitants of Italy. This was the standard ''classicizing'' name that the Byzantines used for themselves, not 'Hellenes.'"</ref> Most historians agree that the defining features of their civilization were: 1) Greek language, culture, literature, and science, 2) Roman law and tradition, 3) Christian faith.<ref>{{harvnb|Baynes|Moss|1948|loc="Introduction", p. xx}}; {{harvnb|Ostrogorsky|1969|p=27}}; {{harvnb|Kaldellis|2007|pp=2–3}}; {{harvnb|Kazhdan|Constable|1982|p=12}}.</ref> The Byzantines were, and perceived themselves as, heirs to the culture of ancient Greece,<ref>{{harvnb|Kazhdan|Constable|1982|p=12}}; {{harvnb|Runciman|1970|p=14}}; {{harvnb|Kitzinger|1967|loc="Introduction", p. x}}: "All through the Middle Ages the Byzantines considered themselves the guardians and heirs of the Hellenic tradition."</ref> the political heirs of imperial Rome,<ref>{{harvnb|Kazhdan|Constable|1982|p=12}}; {{harvnb|Runciman|1970|p=14}}; {{harvnb|Haldon|1999|p=7}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Browning|1992|loc="Introduction", p. xiii}}: "The Byzantines did not call themselves Byzantines, but ''Romaioi''—Romans. They were well aware of their role as heirs of the Roman Empire, which for many centuries had united under a single government the whole Mediterranean world and much that was outside it."</ref> and followers of the Apostles.<ref>{{harvnb|Kazhdan|Constable|1982|p=12}}</ref> Thus, their sense of "Romanity" was different from that of their contemporaries in the West. "Romaic" was the name of the vulgar Greek language, as opposed to "Hellenic" which was its literary or doctrinal form.<ref>{{harvnb|Runciman|1985|p=119}}.</ref> Being a Roman was mostly a matter of culture and religion rather than speaking Greek or living within Byzantine territory, and had nothing to do with race.<ref name="Treadgold1997"/> Some Byzantines began to use the name ''Greek (Hellen)'' with its ancient meaning of someone living in the territory of Greece rather than its usually Christian meaning of "pagan".<ref name="Treadgold1997"/> Realizing that the restored empire held lands of ancient Greeks and had a population largely descended from them, some scholars such as George Gemistos Plethon and John Argyropoulos<ref name="Kaplanis 2014 92">{{harvnb|Kaplanis|2014|p=92}}.</ref><ref name="Makrides 2009 136">{{harvnb|Makrides|2009|p=136}}.</ref><ref name="Lamers 2015 42">{{harvnb|Lamers|2015|p=42}}.</ref> put emphasized pagan Greek and Christian Roman past, mostly during a time of Byzantine political decline.<ref name="Treadgold1997"/> However such views were part of a few learned people, and the majority of Byzantine Christians would see them as nonsensical or dangerous.<ref name="Treadgold1997"/> After 1204 the Byzantine successor entities were mostly Greek-speaking but not nation-states like France and England of that time.<ref name="Treadgold1997"/> The risk or reality of foreign rule, not some sort of Greek national consciousness was the primary element that drew contemporary Byzantines together.<ref name="Treadgold1997">{{A History of the Byzantine State and Society|pages=804–805}}</ref> Byzantine elites and common people nurtured a high self-esteem based on their perceived cultural superiority towards foreigners, whom they viewed with contempt, despite the frequent occurrence of compliments to an individual foreigner as an ''andreîos Rhōmaióphrōn'' ({{lang|grc|ἀνδρεῖος Ῥωμαιόφρων}}, roughly "a brave Roman-minded fellow").<ref name="Nomads"/> There was always an element of indifference or neglect of everything non-Greek, which was therefore "barbarian".<ref name="Ciggaar14">{{harvnb|Ciggaar|1996|p=14}}.</ref>

===Official discourse=== In official discourse, "all inhabitants of the empire were subjects of the emperor, and therefore Romans." Thus the primary definition of ''Rhōmaios'' was "political or statist."<ref name="Ahrweiler-Laiou">{{harvnb|Ahrweiler|Laiou|1998|pp=vii–viii}}.</ref> In order to succeed in being a full-blown and unquestioned "Roman" it was best to be a Greek Orthodox Christian and a Greek-speaker, at least in one's public persona.<ref name="Ahrweiler-Laiou"/> Yet, the cultural uniformity which the Byzantine church and the state pursued through Orthodoxy and the Greek language was not sufficient to erase distinct identities, nor did it aim to.<ref name="Ciggaar14"/><ref name="Ahrweiler-Laiou"/>

===Regional identity=== Often one's local (geographic) identity could outweigh one's identity as a ''Rhōmaios''. The terms ''xénos'' (Greek: {{lang|grc|ξένος}}) and ''exōtikós'' (Greek: {{lang|grc|ἐξωτικός}}) denoted "people foreign to the local population," regardless of whether they were from abroad or from elsewhere within the Byzantine Empire.<ref name="Nomads"/> "When a person was away from home he was a stranger and was often treated with suspicion. A monk from western Asia Minor who joined a monastery in Pontus was 'disparaged and mistreated by everyone as a stranger'. The corollary to regional solidarity was regional hostility."<ref>{{harvnb|Mango|1980|p=30}}.</ref>

Provincial identities, referred to as ''ethnē'' ({{lang|el|έθνη}}) or ''genē'' ({{lang|el|γένη}}), were fully imbricated in the imperial system, as the Roman habit of referring to the population with their provincial labels ({{lang|el|εθνικά}}, ''ethnika''{{sfn|Stewart|Parnell|Whately|2022|p=10}}) persisted in the Byzantine society.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2022|pp=18-19}} In the middle Byzantine period, new administrative districts, known as ''themata'', were superimposed on the ancient provinces, giving rise to new or reviving old provincial labels; such as the "''genos'' of Opsikion" and "Anatolikon" respectively.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2022|p=12}} Scholarship typically views these labels to have functioned as Byzantine "ethnicities",{{sfn|Stewart|Parnell|Whately|2022|p=10}} or according to Anthony Kaldellis, as "pseudo-ethnicities", as those groups were not distinguished in culture or their shared Eastern Roman identity.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2022|p=19}}

===Revival of Hellenism=== From an evolutionary standpoint, Byzantium was the multi-ethnic Roman state that conquered the Greek East, turned into a Christian empire, and ended in 1453, as a Greek Orthodox state; it had become a nation, almost by the modern meaning of the word.<ref>{{harvnb|Ahrweiler|Aymard|2000|p=150}}.</ref> The presence of a distinctive and historically rich literary culture was also very important in the division between "Greek" East and "Latin" West, and thus the formation of both.<ref>{{harvnb|Millar|Cotton|Rogers|2004|p=297}}.</ref> It was a multi-ethnic empire where the Hellenic element was predominant, especially in the later period.<ref name="Ahrweiler-Laiou"/>

Spoken language and state, the markers of identity that were to become a fundamental tenet of nineteenth-century nationalism throughout Europe became, by accident, a reality during a formative period of medieval Greek history.<ref name="Beaton9">{{harvnb|Beaton|1996|p=9}}.</ref> After the Empire lost non-Greek speaking territories in the 7th and 8th centuries, "Greek" (Ἕλλην), when not used to signify "pagan", became synonymous with "Roman" ({{lang|grc|Ῥωμαῖος}}) and "Christian" (Χριστιανός) to mean a Christian Greek citizen of the Eastern Roman Empire.<ref name="Harrison268"/>

In the context of increasing Venetian and Genoese power in the eastern Mediterranean, association with Hellenism took deeper root among the Byzantine elite, on account of a desire to distinguish themselves from the Latin West and to lay legitimate claims to Greek-speaking lands.<ref>{{harvnb|Speck|Takács|2003|pp=280–281}}.</ref> From the 12th century onwards, Byzantine Roman writers started to disassociate themselves from the Empire's pre-Constantinian Latin past, regarding henceforth the transfer of the Roman capital to Constantinople by Constantine as their founding moment and reappraised the normative value of the pagan Hellenes, even though the latter were still viewed as a group distinct from the Byzantines.<ref>{{harvnb|Malatras|2011|pp=425–7}}</ref> The first time the term "Hellene" was used to mean "Byzantine" in official correspondence was in a letter to Emperor Manuel I Komnenus (1118–1180).<ref>{{cite book |last1=Hilsdale |first1=Cecily J. |title=Byzantine Art and Diplomacy in an Age of Decline |date=2014 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9781107729384 |page=84 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=t7GkAgAAQBAJ |language=en}}</ref> Beginning in the twelfth century and especially after 1204, certain Byzantine Greek intellectuals began to use the ancient Greek ethnonym ''Héllēn'' (Greek: {{lang|grc|Ἕλλην}}) in order to describe Byzantine civilisation.<ref name="Mango 1965 33">{{harvnb|Mango|1965|p=33}}.</ref> After the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204, a small circle of the elite of the Empire of Nicaea used the term ''Hellene'' as a term of self-identification.<ref>{{harvnb|Angold|1975|p=65}}: "The new usage of 'Hellene' was limited to a small circle of scholars at the Nicaean court and emphasized the cultural identity of the Byzantines as the heirs of the 'Ancient Hellenes'". {{harvnb|Page|2008|p=127}}: "it is important to appreciate that this was a limited phenomenon. The examples of self-identifying Hellenism are actually quite few and do not extend beyond the absolute elite of Nikaia, where the terminology of Rhomaios also maintained its hold".</ref> For example, in a letter to Pope Gregory IX, the Nicaean emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes (r. 1221–1254) claimed to have received the gift of royalty from Constantine the Great, and put emphasis on his "Hellenic" descent, exalting the wisdom of the Greek people. He was presenting Hellenic culture as an integral part of the Byzantine polity in defiance of Latin claims. Emperor Theodore II Laskaris (r. 1254–1258), the only one during this period to systematically employ the term ''Hellene'' as a term of self-identification, tried to revive Hellenic tradition by fostering the study of philosophy, for in his opinion there was a danger that philosophy "might abandon the Greeks and seek refuge among the Latins".<ref name="Angold528">{{harvnb|Angold|2000|p=528}}.</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Kaplanis|2014|pp=91–2}}.</ref> For historians of the court of Nikaia, however, such as George Akropolites and George Pachymeres, ''Rhomaios'' remained the only significant term of self-identification, despite traces of influence of the policy of the Emperors of Nikaia in their writings.<ref>{{harvnb|Page|2008|p=129}}.</ref>

During the Palaiologan dynasty, after the Byzantines recaptured Constantinople, ''Rhomaioi'' became again dominant as a term for self-description and there are few traces of ''Hellene'', such as in the writings of George Gemistos Plethon;<ref name="Kaplanis 2014 92"/> the neo-platonic philosopher boasted "We are Hellenes by race and culture," and proposed a reborn Byzantine Empire following a utopian Hellenic system of government centered in Mystras.<ref name="Makrides 2009 136"/> Under the influence of Plethon, John Argyropoulos, addressed Emperor John VIII Palaiologos (r. 1425–1448) as "Sun King of Hellas"<ref name="Lamers 2015 42"/> and urged the last Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI Palaiologos (r. 1449–1453), to proclaim himself "King of the Hellenes".<ref name="Steiris">{{cite book|author1=Georgios Steiris|chapter=Argyropoulos, John|title=Encyclopedia of Renaissance Philosophy|date=16 October 2015|doi=10.1007/978-3-319-02848-4_19-1|publisher=Springer International Publishing|page=2|isbn=978-3-319-02848-4}}</ref> These largely rhetorical expressions of Hellenic identity were confined in a very small circle and had no impact on the people. They were however continued by Byzantine intellectuals who participated in the Italian Renaissance.<ref name="Mango 1965 33"/>

===Western perception=== {{further|Liutprand of Cremona|Massacre of the Latins}} [[File:Eugène Ferdinand Victor Delacroix 012.jpg|thumb|185px|''The Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople'', by Eugène Delacroix, 1840.]]

In the eyes of the West, after the coronation of Charlemagne, the Byzantines were not acknowledged as the inheritors of the Roman Empire. Byzantium was rather perceived to be a corrupted continuation of ancient Greece, and was often derided as the "Empire of the Greeks" or "Kingdom of Greece". Such denials of Byzantium's Roman heritage and ecumenical rights would instigate the first resentments between Greeks and "Latins" (for the Latin liturgical rite) or "Franks" (for Charlemegne's ethnicity), as they were called by the Greeks.<ref name="Ciggaar14"/><ref name="Fouracre345">{{harvnb|Fouracre|Gerberding|1996|p=345}}: "The Frankish court no longer regarded the Byzantine Empire as holding valid claims of universality; instead it was now termed the 'Empire of the Greeks'."</ref><ref name="Halsall1997">{{cite web|last=Halsall|first=Paul|title=Medieval Sourcebook: Urban II: Speech at Council of Clermont, 1095, Five versions of the Speech|url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/urban2-5vers.html|publisher=Fordham University|year=1997|access-date=1 December 2009}}</ref>

Popular Western opinion is reflected in the ''Translatio militiae'', whose anonymous Latin author states that the Greeks had lost their courage and their learning, and therefore did not join in the war against the infidels. In another passage, the ancient Greeks are praised for their military skill and their learning, by which means the author draws a contrast with contemporary Byzantines, who were generally viewed as a non-warlike and schismatic people.<ref name="Ciggaar14"/><ref name="Fouracre345"/><ref name="Halsall1997"/> While this reputation seems strange to modern eyes given the unceasing military operations of the Byzantines and their eight century struggle against Islam and Islamic states, it reflects the realpolitik sophistication of the Byzantines, who employed diplomacy and trade as well as armed force in foreign policy, and the high-level of their culture in contrast to the zeal of the Crusaders and the ignorance and superstition of the medieval West. As historian Steven Runciman has put it:<ref>{{harvnb|Runciman|1988|p=9}}.</ref>

::"Ever since our rough crusading forefathers first saw Constantinople and met, to their contemptuous disgust, a society where everyone read and wrote, ate food with forks and preferred diplomacy to war, it has been fashionable to pass the Byzantines by with scorn and to use their name as synonymous with decadence".

A turning point in how both sides viewed each other is probably the massacre of Latins in Constantinople in 1182. The massacre followed the deposition of Maria of Antioch, a Norman-Frankish (therefore "Latin") princess who was ruling as regent to her infant son Emperor Alexios II Komnenos. Maria was deeply unpopular due to the heavy-handed favoritism that had been shown the Italian merchants during the regency and popular celebrations of her downfall by the citizenry of Constantinople quickly turned to rioting and massacre. The event and the horrific reports of survivors inflamed religious tensions in the West, leading to the retaliatory sacking of Thessalonica, the empire's second largest city, by William II of Sicily. An example of Western opinion at the time is the writings of William of Tyre, who described the "Greek nation" as "a brood of vipers, like a serpent in the bosom or a mouse in the wardrobe evilly requite their guests".<ref>{{cite web|last=Holt|first=Andrew|date=January 2005|title=Massacre of Latins in Constantinople, 1182|publisher=Crusades-Encyclopedia|url=http://www.crusades-encyclopedia.com/1182.html|access-date=1 December 2009|quote=It is said that more than four thousand Latins of various age, sex, and condition were delivered thus to barbarous nations for a price. In such fashion did the perfidious Greek nation, a brood of vipers, like a serpent in the bosom or a mouse in the wardrobe evilly requite their guests—those who had not deserved such treatment and were far from anticipating anything of the kind; those to whom they had given their daughters, nieces, and sisters as wives and who, by long living together, had become their friends.|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070929044335/http://www.crusades-encyclopedia.com/1182.html|archive-date=29 September 2007}}</ref>

===Eastern perception=== {{further|Rum Millet}} In the East, the Persians and Arabs continued to regard these people as "Romans" (Arabic: ar-Rūm) after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, for instance, the 30th surah of the Quran (Ar-Rum) refers to the defeat of the Byzantines ("Rum" or "Romans") under Heraclius by the Persians at the Battle of Antioch (613), and promises an eventual Byzantine ("Roman") victory.<ref>{{harvnb|Haleem|2005|loc="30. The Byzantines (''Al-Rum'')", pp. 257–260}}.</ref> This traditional designation of the Byzantines as [Eastern] Romans in the Muslim world continued through the Middle Ages, leading to names such as the Sultanate of Rum ("Sultanate over the Romans") in conquered Anatolia and personal names such as Rumi, the mystical Persian poet who lived in formerly Byzantine Konya in the 1200s.<ref>{{harvnb|Lewis|2000|p=9: "The Anatolian peninsula which had belonged to the Byzantine, or eastern Roman empire, had only relatively recently been conquered by Muslims and even when it came to be controlled by Turkish Muslim rulers, it was still known to Arabs, Persians and Turks as the geographical area of ''Rum''. As such, there are a number of historical personages born in or associated with Anatolia known as Rumi, literally "from Rome."}}</ref> Late medieval Arab geographers still saw the Byzantines as Rum (Romans) not as Greeks, for instance Ibn Battuta saw the, then collapsing, Rum as "pale continuators and successors of the ancient Greeks (Yunani) in matters of culture."<ref>{{harvnb|Vryonis|1999|p=29}}.</ref>

The Muslim Ottomans also referred to them as Rûm, "Romans", and that term is still in official use in Turkey for the Greek-speaking natives (Rumlar) of Istanbul ''cf.'' Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople ({{langx|tr|Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi}}, "Roman Orthodox Patriarchate"<ref>In Turkey it is also referred to unofficially as ''Fener Rum Patrikhanesi'', "Roman Patriarchate of the Phanar".</ref>).<ref name=Doumanis/> Many place-names in Anatolia derive from this Turkish word (Rûm, "Romans") for the Byzantines: Erzurum ("Arzan of the Romans"), Rumelia ("Land of the Romans"), and Rumiye-i Suğra ("Little Rome", the region of Amasya and Sivas).<ref>{{harvnb|Har-El|1995|p=195}}.</ref>

==Post-Byzantine history== {{further|Greek scholars in the Renaissance|Ottoman Greeks|Phanariots}}

[[File:Chiesa di S.Giorgio dei Greci.jpg|thumb|The Scuola dei Greci was the cultural and religious center of the Greek community in Venice.<ref>[http://www.myriobiblos.gr/texts/english/geanakoplos_colony_1.html Geanakoplos D. (1966) Two Worlds of Christendom in Middle Ages and Renaissance], in Byzantine East & West. The Academy LiLibrary Harper & Row Publishers, New York.</ref>]] [[File:Anatolian Greek dialects.png|thumb|right |260px|Distribution of dialects descended from Byzantine Greek in 1923. Demotic in yellow. Pontic in orange. Cappadocian in green, with green dots indicating individual Cappadocian Greek speaking villages in 1910.<ref>Dawkins, R.M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor. [https://archive.org/details/moderngreekinas00hallgoog A study of dialect of Silly, Cappadocia and Pharasa.] Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref>]]

Forming the majority of the Byzantine Empire proper at the height of its power, the Byzantines gradually came under the dominance of foreign powers with the decline of the Empire during the Middle Ages. The majority of Byzantines lived in the Ionian islands, the southern Balkans, and Aegean islands, Crete, Cyprus and Asia Minor. Following the end of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, there were many migration waves of Byzantine Greek scholars and emigres to the west, which is considered by many scholars key to the revival of Greek studies that led to the development of the Renaissance humanism and science. These emigres brought to Western Europe the relatively well-preserved remnants and accumulated knowledge of their own (Greek) civilization, which had mostly not survived the Early Middle Ages in the West. By 1500, the Greek community of Venice numbered about 5,000 members. The community was very active in Venice with the notable members such as Anna Notaras (the daughter of Loukas Notaras, the last ''megas doux'' of the Byzantine Empire), Thomas Flanginis (the founder of the Flanginian School) and many others. Additionally, the community founded the confraternity Scuola dei Greci in 1493. The Venetians also ruled Crete, the Ionian Islands and scattered islands and port cities of the former empire, the populations of which were augmented by refugees from other Byzantine provinces who preferred Venetian to Ottoman governance. Crete was especially notable for the Cretan School of icon-painting, where El Greco came from and which after 1453 became the most important in the Greek world.<ref>Maria Constantoudaki-Kitromilides in ''From Byzantium to El Greco'', p.51-2, Athens 1987, Byzantine Museum of Arts</ref>

Nearly all of these Byzantines fell under Turkish Muslim rule by the 16th century. A notable group were the Phanariots, they emerged as a class of wealthy Greek merchants (of mostly noble Byzantine descent) during the second half of the 16th century, and were influential in the administration of the Ottoman Empire's Balkan domains and the Danubian Principalities in the 18th century.<ref name="BritA">Encyclopædia Britannica, The Phanariots, 2008, O.Ed.</ref> The Phanariots usually built their houses in the Phanar quarter to be near the court of the Patriarch.

Many retained their identities, eventually comprising the modern Greek and Cypriot states, as well as the Cappadocian Greek and Pontic Greek minorities of the new Turkish state. These latter groups, the legacy Byzantine groups of Anatolia, were forced to emigrate from Turkey to Greece in 1923 by the Population exchange between Greece and Turkey. Other Byzantines, particularly in Anatolia, converted to Islam and underwent Turkification over time.<ref>{{harvnb|Vryonis|1971}}.</ref> Additionally, those who came under Arab Muslim rule, either fled their former lands or submitted to the new Muslim rulers, receiving the status of ''Dhimmi''. Over the centuries these surviving Christian societies of former Byzantines in Arab realms evolved into Antiochian Greeks (Melkites) or merged into the societies of Arab Christians, existing to this day.

Many Greek Orthodox populations, particularly those outside the newly independent modern Greek state, continued to refer to themselves as ''Romioi'' (i.e. Romans, Byzantines) well into the 20th century. Peter Charanis, who was born on the island of Lemnos in 1908 and later became a professor of Byzantine history at Rutgers University, recounts that when the island was taken from the Ottomans by Greece in 1912, Greek soldiers were sent to each village and stationed themselves in the public squares. Some of the island children ran to see what Greek soldiers looked like. "What are you looking at?" one of the soldiers asked. "At Hellenes," the children replied. "Are you not Hellenes yourselves?" the soldier retorted. "No, we are Romans," the children replied.<ref name="harvnb_kaldellis_2007" /> The Roman identity also survives prominently in some Greek populations outside of Greece itself. For instance, Greeks in Ukraine, settled there as part of Catherine the Great's Greek Plan in the 18th century, maintain Roman identity, designating themselves as ''Rumaioi''.{{Sfn|Voutira|2006|p=384}}

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Elements of Eastern Roman identity in the imperial discourse of the seventh century |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/byzantine-and-modern-greek-studies/article/did-the-byzantines-call-themselves-byzantines-elements-of-eastern-roman-identity-in-the-imperial-discourse-of-the-seventh-century/65B940757F334DC5D5F0E6B479045BDD |journal=Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies |language=en |volume=45 |issue=1 |pages=25–41 |doi=10.1017/byz.2020.28 |issn=0307-0131}} *{{cite book|last1=Winnifrith|first1=Tom|last2=Murray|first2=Penelope|title=Greece Old and New|year=1983|location=London|publisher=Macmillan|isbn=978-0-333-27836-9|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1JgcAAAAMAAJ}} {{refend}}

==Further reading== {{refbegin|2}} *{{cite book |last=Ahrweiler |first=Hélène |title=L'idéologie politique de l'Empire byzantin |location=Paris |publisher=Presses Universitaires de France |year=1975 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=z1SGAAAAMAAJ}} *{{cite journal |last=Charanis |first=Peter |year=1959 |title=Ethnic Changes in the Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century |journal=Dumbarton Oaks Papers |volume=13 |pages=23–44 |jstor=1291127 |doi=10.2307/1291127}} *{{cite book |last=Harris |first=Jonathan |title=Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium (Hambledon Continuum) |location=London |publisher=Hambledon & London |year=2007 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZI1pAAAAMAAJ |isbn=978-1-84725-179-4}} *{{cite book |editor-last=Kazhdan |editor-first=Alexander Petrovich |title=The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium |location=New York and Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1991 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q3u5RAAACAAJ |isbn=978-0-19-504652-6}} *{{cite book |last=Runciman |first=Steven |author-link=Steven Runciman |title=Byzantine Civilisation |location=London |publisher=Edward Arnold Publishers Limited |year=1966 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NYGIPQAACAAJ |isbn=978-1-56619-574-4}} *{{cite book |last=Toynbee |first=Arnold J. |title=Constantine Porphyrogenitus and His World |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1973 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T05oAAAAMAAJ |isbn=978-0-19-215253-4}} {{refend}}

Category:Byzantine people by descent Category:Society of the Byzantine Empire Greeks Category:Culture of Greece Category:Medieval history of Greece Category:Medieval ethnic groups of Europe