# One country, one system

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**One country, one system** ([Chinese](/source/Simplified_Chinese_characters): 一国一制; [pinyin](/source/Pinyin): *yīguó yīzhì*) is a principle that means that the [People's Republic of China](/source/People's_Republic_of_China) governs [Hong Kong](/source/Hong_Kong), [Macau](/source/Macau), and [Taiwan](/source/Taiwan) in the same political and judicial system as the [mainland](/source/Mainland_China), unlike [one country, two systems](/source/One_country%2C_two_systems); meaning the abolition of the [Special Administrative Region](/source/Special_administrative_regions_of_China) and direct rule by the [Central People's Government](/source/State_Council_of_China) after the unification of Hong Kong, Macau or the future [unification](/source/Chinese_unification) with Taiwan. Some outside [pro-Beijing](/source/Pro-Beijing) figures have expressed their support[1] to the implementation of one country, one system in Hong Kong.

## History

### Hong Kong

According to the [Public Opinion Programme of the University of Hong Kong](/source/Public_Opinion_Programme_of_the_University_of_Hong_Kong) (HKUPOP), [Hong Kong people](/source/Hong_Kong_people)'s identification with the Chinese people had a slow upward trend after the handover of Hong Kong in 1997 and up to 2006, which can be attributed to the completion of the handover of Hong Kong's sovereignty in a conflict-free manner, which symbolizes the successful implementation of "one country, two systems", the success of China's bid for hosting the [2008 Summer Olympics](/source/2008_Summer_Olympics), the economic downturn at the early stage of Hong Kong's handover, and the booming economic development of mainland China.[2][3]

Following the [2008 Summer Olympics](/source/2008_Summer_Olympics), political and cultural identification with mainland China among Hong Kong residents began to decline,[4] influenced by incidents such as the [2008 Chinese milk scandal](/source/2008_Chinese_milk_scandal), misuse of [Sichuan earthquake](/source/2008_Sichuan_earthquake) relief funds, [Guangzhou Television Cantonese controversy](/source/Guangzhou_Television_Cantonese_controversy), and the suppression of dissidents including Nobel laureate [Liu Xiaobo](/source/Liu_Xiaobo). Tensions increased after [Xi Jinping](/source/Xi_Jinping) became [General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party](/source/General_Secretary_of_the_Chinese_Communist_Party) in 2012, particularly over demands for universal suffrage in the election of Hong Kong's Chief Executive, which culminated in [Umbrella Revolution](/source/Umbrella_Revolution) in 2014.[5][6][7] In the years that followed, [localist](/source/Localist_camp) and pro-independence groups gained visibility, and public debate over the effectiveness of the "one country, two systems" framework intensified. While many in Hong Kong expressed dissatisfaction with its implementation, the central government continued to describe the arrangement as successful.[8]

In 2016, pro-Beijing writer Chris Wat (屈穎妍) submitted a letter to [Zhang Dejiang](/source/Zhang_Dejiang), then chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, urging the adoption of "one country, one system". Later that year, during a visit to Hong Kong, Zhang stated at a public dinner on 18 May that "one country, two systems" and the Basic Law must be respected. He emphasized that the principle should not be questioned or denied, but did not address proposals for "one country, one system."[9][10]

In 2017, Lam Fung (林峰), Associate Dean of the [City University of Hong Kong School of Law](/source/City_University_of_Hong_Kong_School_of_Law), wrote that the adoption of "one country, one system" in 2047 was legally possible, but he considered the continuation of "one country, two systems" a more reasonable option for the Central Government.[11] In the same year, Wang Zhenmin (王振民), Dean of the [Tsinghua University](/source/Tsinghua_University) Law School, argued in a book that viewing Hong Kong's future as either "one country, one system" or independence was a misunderstanding.[12] Also in May 2017, [Tam Yiu-chung](/source/Tam_Yiu-chung), then deputy director of the Committee on Social Affairs and the Rule of Law of the [National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference](/source/National_Committee_of_the_Chinese_People's_Political_Consultative_Conference), stated in an interview with Wu Xiaoli that if Hong Kong faced political and economic failure after the end of "one country, two systems", independence would not be possible. He suggested that the territory's only remaining path would be integration under "one country, one system", though this was not what most residents preferred.[13]

Controversy over China's implementation of *[de facto](/source/De_facto)* one country, one system has been repeatedly raised by critics outside of China since [Xi Jinping](/source/Xi_Jinping) became the General Secretary in 2012; on June 30, 2020, the Standing the 13th National People's Congress (NPC) passed the [2020 Hong Kong national security law](/source/2020_Hong_Kong_national_security_law). The NPC's legislative action aroused doubts in the West, including the United States government, that Hong Kong's "original one country, two systems had become [*de facto*] one country, one system".[14][15]

## See also

- [Centralisation](/source/Centralisation)

## References

1. **[^](#cite_ref-1)** ["張德江強調一國兩制 屈穎妍再提一國一制指讀者有共鳴 (16:19)"](https://web.archive.org/web/20210429212800/https://news.mingpao.com/ins/%E6%B8%AF%E8%81%9E/article/20160520/s00001/1463722051496/%E5%BC%B5%E5%BE%B7%E6%B1%9F%E5%BC%B7%E8%AA%BF%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E5%85%A9%E5%88%B6-%E5%B1%88%E7%A9%8E%E5%A6%8D%E5%86%8D%E6%8F%90%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E4%B8%80%E5%88%B6%E6%8C%87%E8%AE%80%E8%80%85%E6%9C%89%E5%85%B1%E9%B3%B4) (in Traditional Chinese). [Ming Pao](/source/Ming_Pao). 2016-05-20. Archived from [the original](https://news.mingpao.com/ins/%E6%B8%AF%E8%81%9E/article/20160520/s00001/1463722051496/%E5%BC%B5%E5%BE%B7%E6%B1%9F%E5%BC%B7%E8%AA%BF%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E5%85%A9%E5%88%B6-%E5%B1%88%E7%A9%8E%E5%A6%8D%E5%86%8D%E6%8F%90%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E4%B8%80%E5%88%B6%E6%8C%87%E8%AE%80%E8%80%85%E6%9C%89%E5%85%B1%E9%B3%B4) on 2021-04-29. Retrieved 2019-10-26.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-2)** ["香港大學民意研究計劃 Public Opinion Programme, The University of Hong Kong"](https://web.archive.org/web/20190707033407/https://www.hkupop.hku.hk/chinese/header.html). *www.hkupop.hku.hk*. Archived from [the original](https://www.hkupop.hku.hk/chinese/header.html) on 2019-07-07. Retrieved 2019-09-14.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-九七前後的轉變_3-0)** 鄭宏泰; 黃紹倫 (2002). ["香港華人的身份認同： 九七前後的轉變"](https://web.archive.org/web/20181222181009/http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/media/articles/c073-200207038.pdf) (PDF). *二十一世紀* (7). Archived from [the original](http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/media/articles/c073-200207038.pdf) (PDF) on 2018-12-22. Retrieved 2019-08-27.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-4)** [港大民調：港人對「中國人」認同感下跌](http://rthk.hk/rthk/news/expressnews/news.htm?expressnews&20101221&55&721503) [Archived](https://web.archive.org/web/20160305120108/http://rthk.hk/rthk/news/expressnews/news.htm?expressnews&20101221&55&721503) 2016-03-05 at the [Wayback Machine](/source/Wayback_Machine)，香港電台，2010年12月21日

1. **[^](#cite_ref-5)** [港大民調：港人對「中國人」認同感下跌](http://rthk.hk/rthk/news/expressnews/news.htm?expressnews&20101221&55&721503) [Archived](https://web.archive.org/web/20160305120108/http://rthk.hk/rthk/news/expressnews/news.htm?expressnews&20101221&55&721503) 2016-03-05 at the [Wayback Machine](/source/Wayback_Machine)，香港電台，2010年12月21日

1. **[^](#cite_ref-世界之聲101222_6-0)** ["諾貝爾獎事件影響 港人國民身分認同十年新低"](https://web.archive.org/web/20190901042052/http://trad.cn.rfi.fr/%25E4%25B8%25AD%25E5%259C%258B/20101222-%25E8%25AB%25BE%25E8%25B2%259D%25E7%2588%25BE%25E7%258D%258E%25E4%25BA%258B%25E4%25BB%25B6%25E5%25BD%25B1%25E9%259F%25BF-%25E6%25B8%25AF%25E4%25BA%25BA%25E5%259C%258B%25E6%25B0%2591%25E8%25BA%25AB%25E5%2588%2586%25E8%25AA%258D%25E5%2590%258C%25E5%258D%2581%25E5%25B9%25B4%25E6%2596%25B0%25E4%25BD%258E). 世界之聲. 2010-12-22. Archived from [the original](http://trad.cn.rfi.fr/中國/20101222-諾貝爾獎事件影響-港人國民身分認同十年新低) on 2019-09-01. Retrieved 2019-09-01.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-陳智傑2016_7-0)** 陳智傑 (2016). ["身分認同與建構他者：香港生活經驗中的中港關係"](https://web.archive.org/web/20200807013521/https://www.eduhk.hk/include_n/getrichfile.php?key=6e73a7614cbbc9b82954ab59f6afa0ee&secid=50946&filename=ahks%2FEmonograph%2F2016_Chanchikit.pdf) (PDF). In 張少強; 陳嘉銘; 梁啟智 (eds.). *香港社會文化系列*. Archived from [the original](https://www.eduhk.hk/include_n/getrichfile.php?key=6e73a7614cbbc9b82954ab59f6afa0ee&secid=50946&filename=ahks/Emonograph/2016_Chanchikit.pdf) (PDF) on 2020-08-07. Retrieved 2021-12-29.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-a5_8-0)** 徐贻聪 (2019-07-29). ["中国的"一国两制"政策失败了吗？"](https://web.archive.org/web/20190927084810/https://new.qq.com/rain/a/20190729A039SE). *监制：曹斌* (in Simplified Chinese). 腾讯网. Archived from [the original](https://new.qq.com/rain/a/20190729A039SE) on 2019-09-27. Retrieved 2019-09-27. 他们竭力宣扬"失败论"，完全是别有用心；我们的一些同志对此种论调"信以为真"，则多因为对这个政策缺少理解，又没有跟踪分析和看清"失败论"的本质，为一些假象蒙蔽。

1. **[^](#cite_ref-9)** ["張德江強調一國兩制 屈穎妍再提一國一制指讀者有共鳴 (16:19)"](https://web.archive.org/web/20210429212800/https://news.mingpao.com/ins/%E6%B8%AF%E8%81%9E/article/20160520/s00001/1463722051496/%E5%BC%B5%E5%BE%B7%E6%B1%9F%E5%BC%B7%E8%AA%BF%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E5%85%A9%E5%88%B6-%E5%B1%88%E7%A9%8E%E5%A6%8D%E5%86%8D%E6%8F%90%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E4%B8%80%E5%88%B6%E6%8C%87%E8%AE%80%E8%80%85%E6%9C%89%E5%85%B1%E9%B3%B4) (in Traditional Chinese). 明报新闻网. 2016-05-20. Archived from [the original](https://news.mingpao.com/ins/%E6%B8%AF%E8%81%9E/article/20160520/s00001/1463722051496/%E5%BC%B5%E5%BE%B7%E6%B1%9F%E5%BC%B7%E8%AA%BF%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E5%85%A9%E5%88%B6-%E5%B1%88%E7%A9%8E%E5%A6%8D%E5%86%8D%E6%8F%90%E4%B8%80%E5%9C%8B%E4%B8%80%E5%88%B6%E6%8C%87%E8%AE%80%E8%80%85%E6%9C%89%E5%85%B1%E9%B3%B4) on 2021-04-29. Retrieved 2019-10-26.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-10)** 记者：赵博、陈菲、黄歆 (2016-05-18). ["张德江：不应对"一国两制"产生怀疑、动摇甚至否定"](https://web.archive.org/web/20201102205433/http://www.xinhuanet.com//politics/2016-05/18/c_1118891009.htm). *责任编辑：张樵苏* (in Simplified Chinese). 新华网. Archived from [the original](http://www.xinhuanet.com//politics/2016-05/18/c_1118891009.htm) on 2020-11-02. Retrieved 2019-10-26.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-aa1_11-0)** 林峰 (2017). ["《2047年后的香港："一国两制"还是"一国一制"？》"](https://web.archive.org/web/20201102222051/http://www.cqvip.com/QK/82022X/201701/671023808.html). *深圳大学学报：人文社会科学版* (in Simplified Chinese) (2017年第1期). 广东省深圳市: 深圳大学: 37–43. [ISSN](/source/ISSN_(identifier)) [1000-260X](https://search.worldcat.org/issn/1000-260X). Archived from [the original](http://www.cqvip.com/QK/82022X/201701/671023808.html) on 2020-11-02.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-a1_12-0)** 王振民 (2017). "香港為什麼依然重要？". In 王振民主編 (ed.). *《「一國兩制」與基本法：歷史、現實與未來》*. 憲法與基本法研究叢書 (香港第一版 ed.). 三聯書店（香港）. p. 322. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-962-04-4207-0](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-962-04-4207-0).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-13)** ["谭耀宗：一国两制最适合香港 否则只能"一国一制""](https://web.archive.org/web/20190927084803/http://news.ifeng.com/a/20170519/51125880_0.shtml). *责任编辑：刘洋LY PN003* (in Simplified Chinese). 凤凰网. 2017-05-19. Archived from [the original](http://news.ifeng.com/a/20170519/51125880_0.shtml) on 2019-09-27. Retrieved 2019-09-27. 吴小莉：王振民部长还说了一段话，他说在香港"一国两制"的实施，只许成功，不许失败，因为一旦失败，香港损失的将会是全部，您怎么理解这段话？ 谭耀宗：如果失败以后呢，其实出路无非是几个了，一个保持，我们现在这个情况了，保持"一国两制了"，一个是回到"一国一制"方面了，那么等于是香港是成为国家其中一个城市了，你要搞"港独"吗？不可能。所以只有"一国一制"，不是香港人希望现在来走到这一步，然后"一国两制"，大家觉得是最合适香港的。

1. **[^](#cite_ref-一國兩制變一國一制_14-0)** ["特朗普宣布美國將取消香港特殊待遇 「一國兩制變一國一制」"](https://web.archive.org/web/20211006092358/https://news.mingpao.com/ins/%e6%b8%af%e8%81%9e/article/20200530/s00001/1590799969847/%e7%89%b9%e6%9c%97%e6%99%ae%e5%ae%a3%e5%b8%83%e7%be%8e%e5%9c%8b%e5%b0%87%e5%8f%96%e6%b6%88%e9%a6%99%e6%b8%af%e7%89%b9%e6%ae%8a%e5%be%85%e9%81%87-%e3%80%8c%e4%b8%80%e5%9c%8b%e5%85%a9%e5%88%b6%e8%ae%8a%e4%b8%80%e5%9c%8b%e4%b8%80%e5%88%b6%e3%80%8d%e3%80%90%e7%9f%ad%e7%89%87%e3%80%91). *[Ming Pao](/source/Ming_Pao)*. 2020-05-30. Archived from [the original](https://news.mingpao.com/ins/港聞/article/20200530/s00001/1590799969847/特朗普宣布美國將取消香港特殊待遇-「一國兩制變一國一制」【短片】) on 2021-10-06. Retrieved 2020-05-30.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-15)** ["日本自民黨關注港區國安法 擬要求取消習近平訪日"](https://web.archive.org/web/20200703173341/https://news.rthk.hk/rthk/ch/component/k2/1535597-20200703.htm). *[RTHK](/source/RTHK)*. 2020-07-03. Archived from [the original](https://news.rthk.hk/rthk/ch/component/k2/1535597-20200703.htm) on 2020-07-03. Retrieved 2020-07-10.

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Adapted from the Wikipedia article [One country, one system](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_country%2C_one_system) by Wikipedia contributors ([contributor history](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_country%2C_one_system?action=history)). Available under [Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International](https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/). Changes may have been made.