# Old Yue language > Mediated Wiki article. Canonical URL: https://mediated.wiki/source/Old_Yue_language > Markdown URL: https://mediated.wiki/source/Old_Yue_language.md > Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Old_Yue_language > Source revision: 1338743434 > License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/) Ancient language of China This article should specify the language of its non-English content using {{lang}} or {{langx}}, {{transliteration}} for transliterated languages, and {{IPA}} for phonetic transcriptions, with an appropriate ISO 639 code. Wikipedia's multilingual support templates may also be used. See why. (November 2024) Old Yue Yue Native to Yue, Dong'ou, Minyue, Nanyue, Ou Yue Region Southern China Ethnicity Baiyue Extinct c. 1st century AD Language family Unclassified (Kra-Dai? Austroasiatic? Austronesian? Hmong-Mien?) Language codes ISO 639-3 None (mis) Glottolog None Map of the Chinese plain at the start of the Warring States Period in the 5th century BC. Map of the Warring States Period, after Yue conquered Wu. Other [Baiyue](/source/Baiyue) peoples are shown in the south. The **Old Yue language**[a] is an [unclassified language](/source/Unclassified_language) or set of languages spoken in the state of [Yue](/source/Yue_(state)) during the [Eastern Zhou](/source/Eastern_Zhou) dynasty. It may also refer broadly to the languages spoken by [Yue peoples](/source/Baiyue) in any of the Yue polities in [southern China](/source/Northern_and_southern_China) and [northern Vietnam](/source/Northern_Vietnam) c. 700 BCE – c. 100 BCE. Knowledge of Yue speech is limited to fragmentary references and possible loanwords in [Sinitic languages](/source/Sinitic_languages). The longest attestation is the *[Song of the Yue Boatman](/source/Song_of_the_Yue_Boatman)*, a short song transcribed phonetically in [Chinese characters](/source/Chinese_characters) in 528 BC and included, with a Chinese translation, in the *[Garden of Stories](/source/Garden_of_Stories)* compiled by [Liu Xiang](/source/Liu_Xiang_(scholar)) five centuries later.[1] Scholars disagree about which languages the Yue spoke, and draw candidates from the non-Sinitic language families still represented in areas of southern China. ## Classification theories Candidates for the Old Yue language include [Kra–Dai](/source/Kra%E2%80%93Dai_languages), [Hmong–Mien](/source/Hmong%E2%80%93Mien_languages), and [Austroasiatic languages](/source/Austroasiatic_languages).[2] Chinese, Kra–Dai, Hmong–Mien, and the [Vietic](/source/Vietic_languages) branch of Austroasiatic have similar tone systems, syllable structure, grammatical features and lack of inflection, but these features are believed to have spread by means of diffusion across the [Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area](/source/Mainland_Southeast_Asia_linguistic_area), rather than indicating common descent.[3][4] - Scholars in China often assume that the Yue spoke an early form of Kra–Dai. According to Sagart (2008), this is far from self-evident, because the core of the Kra–Dai area geographically is located in [Hainan](/source/Hainan) and the China–Vietnam border region, which is beyond the extreme southern end of the Yue area. The linguist Wei Qingwen gave a rendering of the "[Song of the Yue boatman](/source/Song_of_the_Yue_boatman)" in [Standard Zhuang](/source/Standard_Zhuang). [Zhengzhang Shangfang](/source/Zhengzhang_Shangfang) proposed an interpretation of the song in written [Thai](/source/Thai_language) (dating from the late 13th century) as the closest available approximation to the original language, but his interpretation remains controversial.[1][5] - [Peiros](/source/Ilia_Peiros) (2011) shows with his analysis that the homeland of Austroasiatic is somewhere near the [Yangtze](/source/Yangtze). He suggests southern Sichuan or slightly west from it, as the likely homeland of proto-Austroasiatic speakers before they migrated to other parts of China and then into Southeast Asia. He further suggests that the family must be as old as proto-Austronesian and proto-Sino-Tibetan or even older.[6] The linguists Sagart (2011) and Bellwood (2013) support the theory of an origin of Austroasiatic along the Yangtze river in southern China.[*[citation needed](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed)*] - [Sagart](/source/Laurent_Sagart) (2008) suggests that the Old Yue language, together with the [proto-Austronesian language](/source/Proto-Austronesian_language), was descended from the language or languages of the Tánshíshān‑Xītóu culture complex (modern-day [Fujian](/source/Fujian) province of China), making the Old Yue language a [sister language](/source/Sister_language) to proto-Austronesian, which Sagart sees as the origin of the Kra–Dai languages.[7] Behr (2009) also notes that the [Chǔ](/source/Chu_(state)) dialect of Old Chinese was influenced by several [substrata](/source/Stratum_(linguistics)), predominantly Kra-Dai, but also possibly Austroasiatic, Austronesian and Hmong-Mien.[8][*[full citation needed](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources#What_information_to_include)*] ### Kra–Dai arguments The [proto-Kra–Dai](/source/Proto-Kra%E2%80%93Dai) language has been hypothesized to originate in the [Lower Yangtze valleys](/source/Yangtze). Ancient Chinese texts refer to non-Sinitic languages spoken across this substantial region and their speakers as *"Yue"*. Although those languages are extinct, traces of their existence could be found in unearthed inscriptional materials, ancient Chinese historical texts and non-Han substrata in various Southern Chinese dialects. Thai, one of the [Tai languages](/source/Tai_languages) and the most-spoken language in the [Kra–Dai language family](/source/Kra%E2%80%93Dai_languages), has been used extensively in historical-comparative linguistics to identify the origins of language(s) spoken in the ancient region of South China. One of the very few direct records of non-Sinitic speech in pre-Qin and Han times having been preserved so far is the *"[Song of the Yue Boatman](/source/Song_of_the_Yue_Boatman)"* (Yueren Ge 越人歌), which was transcribed phonetically in Chinese characters in 528 BC, and found in the 善说 Shanshuo chapter of the Shuoyuan 说苑 or 'Garden of Persuasions'. Willeam Meacham (1996) reports that Chinese linguists have shown strong evidence of Tai vestiges in former Yue areas: Lin (1990) found Tai elements in some [Min dialects](/source/Min_Chinese), Zhenzhang (1990) has proposed Tai etymologies and interpretations for certain place names in the former states of [Wu](/source/Wu_(state)) and [Yue](/source/Yue_(state)), and Wei (1982) found similarities in the words, combinations and rhyming scheme between the "Song of the Yue Boatman" and the [Kam–Tai languages](/source/Kam%E2%80%93Tai_languages).[9] James R. Chamberlain (2016) proposes that the Kra-Dai language family was formed as early as the 12th century BCE in the middle of the [Yangtze basin](/source/Yangtze_basin), coinciding roughly with the establishment of the [Chu state](/source/Chu_(state)) and the beginning of the [Zhou dynasty](/source/Zhou_dynasty).[10] Following the southward migrations of [Kra](/source/Kra_languages) and [Hlai](/source/Hlai_people) (Rei/Li) peoples around the 8th century BCE, the Yue (Be-Tai people) started to break away and move to the east coast in the present-day [Zhejiang province](/source/Zhejiang_province), in the 6th century BCE, forming the state of Yue and conquering the state of Wu shortly thereafter.[10] According to Chamberlain, Yue people (Be-Tai) began to migrate southwards along the east coast of China to what are now Guangxi, Guizhou and northern Vietnam, after Yue was conquered by Chu around 333 BCE. There the Yue (Be-Tai) formed the polities [Xi Ou](/source/%C3%82u_Vi%E1%BB%87t), which became the [Northern Tai](/source/Northern_Tai_languages) and the [Luo Yue](/source/Luo_Yue), which became the Central-Southwestern Tai.[10] However, Pittayaporn (2014), after examining layers of Chinese [loanwords](/source/Loanword) in proto-[Southwestern Tai](/source/Southwestern_Tai) and other historical evidence, proposes that the southwestward migration of southwestern Tai-speaking tribes from the modern Guangxi to the mainland of Southeast Asia must have taken place only sometime between the 8th–10th centuries CE,[11] long after 44 CE, when Chinese sources last mentioned Luo Yue in the [Red River Delta](/source/Red_River_Delta).[12] - Proposed genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesian languages ([Blench](/source/Roger_Blench), 2018)[13] - Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai) migration route according to James R. Chamberlain (2016).[14] - Tai-Kadai migration route according to Matthias Gerner's *Northeast to Southwest Hypothesis*.[15] #### Ancient textual evidence In the early 1980s, Zhuang linguist, Wei Qingwen (韦庆稳), electrified the scholarly community in Guangxi by identifying the language in the *"[Song of the Yue Boatman](/source/Song_of_the_Yue_Boatman)"* as a language ancestral to [Zhuang](/source/Zhuang_language).[16] Wei used reconstructed [Old Chinese](/source/Old_Chinese) for the characters and discovered that the resulting vocabulary showed strong resemblance to modern Zhuang.[17] Later, Zhengzhang Shangfang (1991) followed Wei’s insight but used Thai script for comparison, since this orthography dates from the 13th century and preserves archaisms relative to the modern pronunciation.[17][1] Zhengzhang notes that 'evening, night, dark' bears the C tone in Wuming Zhuang *xamC2* and *ɣamC2* 'night'. The item *raa* normally means 'we inclusive' but in some places, e.g. Tai Lue and White Tai 'I'.[18] However, Laurent Sagart criticizes Zhengzhang's interpretation as anachronistic, because however archaic that Thai script is, Thai language was only written 2000 years after the song had been recorded; even if the [Proto-Kam-Tai](/source/Kam-Tai_languages) might have emerged by 6th century BCE, its pronunciation would have been substantially different from Thai.[5] The following is a simplified interpretation of the *"Song of the Yue Boatman"* by Zhengzhang Shangfang quoted by David Holm (2013) with Thai script and Chinese glosses being omitted:[19][b] 濫 ɦgraams glamx evening 兮 ɦee ɦee PTCL 抃 brons blɤɤn joyful 草 tshuuʔ cɤɤ, cɤʔ to meet 濫 ɦgraams glamx evening 濫 兮 抃 草 濫 ɦgraams ɦee brons tshuuʔ ɦgraams glamx ɦee blɤɤn {cɤɤ, cɤʔ} glamx evening PTCL joyful {to meet} evening Oh, the fine night, we meet in happiness tonight! 予 la raa we, I 昌 thjang < khljang djaangh be apt to 枑 澤 gaah draag kraʔ - ʔdaak shy, ashamed 予 la raa we, I 昌 thjang djaangh be good at 州 tju < klju cɛɛu to row 予 昌 {枑 澤} 予 昌 州 la {thjang < khljang} {gaah draag} la thjang {tju < klju} raa djaangh {kraʔ - ʔdaak} raa djaangh cɛɛu {we, I} {be apt to} {shy, ashamed} {we, I} {be good at} {to row} I am so shy, ah! I am good at rowing. 州 tju cɛɛu to row 𩜱 khaamʔ khaamx to cross 州 tju cɛɛu to row 焉 jen jɤɤnh slowly 乎 faak faak deposit 秦 dzin djɯɯnh joy 胥 胥 sai jai sai jaiʔ into heart 州 𩜱 州 焉 乎 秦 {胥 胥} tju khaamʔ tju jen faak dzin {sai jai} cɛɛu khaamx cɛɛu jɤɤnh faak djɯɯnh {sai jaiʔ} {to row} {to cross} {to row} slowly deposit joy {into heart} Rowing slowly across the river, ah! I am so pleased! 縵 moons mɔɔm dirty, ragged 予 la raa we, I 乎 haak haak if 昭 tjau < kljau caux prince 澶 daans daanh Your Excellency 秦 dzin djin acquainted 踰 lo ruux know 縵 予 乎 昭 澶 秦 踰 moons la haak {tjau < kljau} daans dzin lo mɔɔm raa haak caux daanh djin ruux {dirty, ragged} {we, I} if prince {Your Excellency} acquainted know Dirty though I am, ah! I made acquaintance with your highness the Prince. 滲 srɯms zumh to hide 惿 djeʔ < gljeʔ jaï heart 隨 sɦloi cua forever, constantly 河 gaai ha to search 湖 gaa huan to yearn 滲 惿 隨 河 湖 srɯms {djeʔ < gljeʔ} sɦloi gaai gaa zumh jaï cua ha huan {to hide} heart {forever, constantly} {to search} {to yearn} Hidden forever in my heart, ah! is my adoration and longing. Some scattered non-Sinitic words found in the two ancient Chinese fictional texts, the *[Mu Tianzi Zhuan](/source/Mu_Tianzi_Zhuan)* ([Chinese](/source/Chinese_language): 穆天子傳) (4th c. B.C.) and the *[Yuejue shu](https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Yuejue_shu&action=edit&redlink=1)* ([Chinese](/source/Chinese_language): 越絕書) (1st c. A.D.), can be compared to lexical items in Kra-Dai languages. These two texts are only preserved in corrupt versions and share a rather convoluted editorial history. Wolfgang Behr (2002) makes an attempt to identify the origins of those words: - "吳謂善「伊」, 謂稻道「緩」, 號從中國, 名從主人。"[20] “The [Wú](/source/Wu_(state)) say *yī* for ‘good’ and *huăn* for ‘way’, i.e. in their titles they follow the central kingdoms, but in their names they follow their own lords.” 伊 *yī* < ʔjij < ***bq(l)ij** ← Siamese *diiA1*, Longzhou *dai1*, Bo'ai *nii1* [Daiya](/source/Tai_Ya_language) *li1*, Sipsongpanna *di1*, [Dehong](/source/Tai_N%C3%BCa_language) *li6* < [proto-Tai](/source/Proto-Tai_language) ***ʔdɛiA1** | [Sui](/source/Sui_language) *ʔdaai1*, [Kam](/source/Kam_language) *laai1*, [Maonan](/source/Maonan_language) *ʔdaai1*, [Mak](/source/Mak_language) *ʔdaai6* < proto-Kam-Sui/proto-Kam-Tai ***ʔdaai1** 'good' || [proto-Malayo-Polynesian](/source/Proto-Malayo-Polynesian_language) ***bait** 緩 [huăn] < hwanX < ***awan** ← Siamese *honA1*, Bo'ai *hɔn1*, Dioi *thon1* < proto-Tai ***xronA1**| [Sui](/source/Sui_language) *khwən1-i*, [Kam](/source/Kam_language) *khwən1*, [Maonan](/source/Maonan_language) *khun1-i*, [Mulam](/source/Mulam_language) *khwən1-i* < proto-Kam-Sui ***khwən1** 'road, way' | [proto-Hlai](/source/Proto-Hlai_language) ***kuun1** || [proto-Austronesian](/source/Proto-Austronesian_language) ***Zalan** (Thurgood 1994:353) - yuè jué shū 越絕書 (The Book of [Yuè](/source/Yue_(state)) Records), 1st c. A.D.[21] 絕 *jué* < dzjwet < ***bdzot** ← Siamese *codD1* 'to record, mark' (Zhengzhang Shangfang 1999:8) - "姑中山者越銅官之山也, 越人謂之銅, 「姑[沽]瀆」。"[21] “The Middle mountains of *Gū* are the mountains of the Yuè’s bronze office, the [Yuè people](/source/Yue_(state)) call them ‘Bronze *gū[gū]dú*.” 「姑[沽]瀆」 gūdú < ku=duwk < ***aka**=**alok** ← Siamese *kʰauA1* 'horn', [Daiya](/source/Tai_Ya_language) *xau5*, Sipsongpanna *xau1*, Dehong *xau1*, [Lü](/source/Tai_L%C3%BC_language) *xău1*, Dioi *kaou1* 'mountain, hill' < proto-Tai ***kʰauA2**; Siamese *luukD2l* 'classifier for mountains', Siamese *kʰauA1*-*luukD2l* 'mountain' || *cf.* [OC](/source/Old_Chinese) 谷 *gǔ* < kuwk << ***ak-lok**/luwk < ***akə-lok**/yowk < ***blok** 'valley' - "越人謂船爲「須盧」。"[22] "... The [Yuè people](/source/Yue_(state)) call a boat *xūlú*. (‘beard’ & ‘cottage’)" 須 *xū* < sju < ***bs(n)o** ? ← Siamese saʔ 'noun prefix' 盧 *lú* < lu < ***bra** ← Siamese *rɯaA2*, Longzhou *lɯɯ2*, Bo'ai *luu2*, [Daiya](/source/Tai_Ya_language) *hə2*, [Dehong](/source/Tai_N%C3%BCa_language) *hə2* 'boat' < proto-Tai ***drɯ[a,o]** | [Sui](/source/Sui_language) *lwa1*/*ʔda1*, [Kam](/source/Kam_language) *lo1*/*lwa1*, [Be](/source/Ong_Be_language) *zoa* < proto-Kam-Sui ***s-lwa(n)A1** 'boat' - "[劉]賈築吳市西城, 名曰「定錯」城。"[23] "[Líu] Jiă (the king of [Jīng 荆](/source/Chu_(state))) built the western wall, it was called *dìngcuò* ['settle(d)' & 'grindstone'] wall." 定 *dìng* < *dengH* < ***adeng-s** ← Siamese *diaaŋA1*, Daiya *tʂhəŋ2*, Sipsongpanna *tseŋ2*, [Malay](/source/Malay_language) (Austronesian) *dindiŋ2*, [Tagalog](/source/Tagalog_language) *diŋdiŋ2* *wall* 錯 *cuò* < tshak < ***atshak** ? ← Siamese *tokD1s* 'to set→sunset→west' (*tawan-tok* 'sun-set' = 'west'); Longzhou *tuk7*, Bo'ai *tɔk7*, [Daiya](/source/Tai_Ya_language) *tok7*, Sipsongpanna *tok7* < proto-Tai ***tokD1s** ǀ [Sui](/source/Sui_language) *tok7*, [Mak](/source/Mak_language) *tok7*, [Maonan](/source/Maonan_language) *tɔk* < proto-Kam-Sui ***tɔkD1**, [Malay](/source/Malay_language) (Austronesian) **suntuk** *running out of time* #### Substrate in modern Chinese languages Besides a limited number of lexical items left in Chinese historical texts, remnants of language(s) spoken by the ancient Yue can be found in non-Han substrata in Southern Chinese dialects, e.g.: [Wu](/source/Wu_Chinese), [Min](/source/Min_Chinese), [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese), [Yue](/source/Yue_Chinese), etc. Robert Bauer (1987) identifies twenty seven lexical items in [Yue](/source/Yue_Chinese), [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese) and [Min](/source/Min_Chinese) varieties, which share [Kra–Dai](/source/Kra%E2%80%93Dai_languages) roots.[24] The following are some examples cited from Bauer (1987):[24] - **to beat, whip**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *faak7a* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *fa:k8*, [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *faatD2L*, Longzhou *faat*, Po-ai *faat*. - **to beat, pound**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *tap8* ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *thup4*/*top2*, Longzhou *tupD1*, Po-ai *tup3*/*tɔpD1*, Mak/Dong *tapD2*, Tai Nuea *top5*, [Sui](/source/Sui_language)-Lingam *tjăpD2*, [Sui](/source/Sui_language)-Jungchiang *tjăpD2*, [Sui](/source/Sui_language)-Pyo *tjăpD2*, [T'en](/source/Then_language) *tjapD2*, White Tai *tup4*, Red Tai *tup3*, [Shan](/source/Shan_language) *thup5*, Lao Nong Khai *thip3*, Lue Moeng Yawng *tup5*, Leiping-Zhuang *thop5*/*top4*, [Western Nung](/source/Nung_language_(Tai)) *tup4*, [Yay](/source/Bouyei_language) *tup5*, [Saek](/source/Saek_language) *thap6*, Tai Lo *thup3*, [Tai Maw](/source/Shan_language) *thup3*, Tai No *top5*, [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *tup8*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Jiamao *tap8*. - **to bite**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *khap8* ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *khop2*, Longzhou *khoop5*, Po-ai *hap3*, [Ahom](/source/Ahom_language) *khup*, Shan *khop4*, [Lü](/source/Tai_L%C3%BC_language) *khop*, White Tai *khop2*, Nung *khôp*, Hsi-lin *hapD2S*, Wuming-Zhuang *hap8*, T'ien-pao *hap*, Black Tai *khop2*, Red Tai *khop3*, Lao Nong Khai *khop1*, [Western Nung](/source/Nung_language_(Tai)) *khap6*, etc. - **to burn**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *naat7a*, [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese) *nat8* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *na:t8*, Po-ai *naatD1L* "hot". - **child**: [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Chaozhou *noŋ1* *kiā3* "child", [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Suixi *nuŋ3 kia3*, Mandarin-Chengdu *nɑŋ1 pɑ1 kər1* "youngest sibling", [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Fuzhou *nauŋ6* "young, immature" ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *nɔɔŋ4*, Tai Lo *lɔŋ3*, [Tai Maw](/source/Shan_language) *nɔŋ3*, Tai No *nɔŋ3* "younger sibling", [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *tak8 nu:ŋ4*, Longzhou *no:ŋ4 ba:u5*, Buyi *nuaŋ4*, Dai-Xishuangbanna *nɔŋ4 tsa:i2*, Dai-Dehong *lɔŋ4 tsa:i2*, etc. - **correct, precisely, just now**: Yue-Guangzhou *ŋaam1* "correct", *ŋaam1 ŋaam1* "just now", Hakka-Meixian *ŋam5 ŋam5* "precisely", Hakka-Youding *ŋaŋ1 ŋaŋ1* "just right", [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Suixi *ŋam1* "fit", [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Chaozhou *ŋam1*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Hainan *ŋam1 ŋam1* "good" ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *ŋa:m1* "proper" / *ŋa:m3* "precisely, appropriate" / *ŋa:m5* "exactly", Longzhou *ŋa:m5 vəi6*. - **to cover** (1): [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *hom6*/*ham6* ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *hom2*, Longzhou *hum5*, Po-ai *hɔmB1*, Lao *hom*, Ahom *hum*, Shan *hom2*, Lü *hum*, White Tai *hum2*, Black Tai *hoom2*, Red Tai *hom3*, [Nung](/source/Nung_language_(Tai)) *hôm*, [Tay](/source/T%C3%A0y_language) *hôm*, [Tho](/source/T%C3%A0y_language) *hoom*, T'ien-pao *ham*, Dioi *hom*, Hsi-lin *hɔm*, T'ien-chow *hɔm*, Lao Nong Khai *hom3*, [Western Nung](/source/Nung_language_(Tai)) *ham2*, etc. - **to cover** (2): [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *khap7*, Yue-Yangjiang *kap7a*, [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese)-Meixian *khɛp7*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Xiamen *kaˀ7*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Quanzhou *kaˀ7*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Zhangzhou *kaˀ7* "to cover" ← Wuming-Zhuang *kop8* "to cover", Li-Jiamao *khɔp7*, Li-Baocheng *khɔp7*, Li-Qiandui *khop9*, Li-Tongshi *khop7* "to cover". - **to lash, whip, thrash**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *fit7* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *fit8*, Li-Baoding *fi:t7*. - **monkey**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *ma4 lau1* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *ma4* *lau2*, Mulao *mə6 lau2*. - **to slip off, fall off, lose**: Yue-Guangzhou *lat7*, [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese) *lut7*, [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese)-Yongding *lut7*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Dongshandao *lut7*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Suixi *lak8*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Chaozhou *luk7* ← Siamese *lutD1S*, Longzhou *luut*, Po-ai *loot*, Wiming-Zhuang *lo:t7*. - **to stamp foot, trample**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *tam6*, [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese) *tem5* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *tam6*, Po-ai *tamB2*, Lao *tham*, [Lü](/source/Tai_L%C3%BC_language) *tam*, [Nung](/source/Nung_language_(Tai)) *tam*. - **stupid**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *ŋɔŋ6*, Hakka-Meixian *ŋɔŋ5*, Hakka-Yongfing *ŋɔŋ5*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Dongshandao *goŋ6*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Suixi *ŋɔŋ1*, [Min](/source/Min_Chinese)-Fuzhou *ŋouŋ6* ← [Be](/source/Ong_Be_language)-Lingao *ŋən2*, [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *ŋu:ŋ6*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Baoding *ŋaŋ2*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Zhongsha *ŋaŋ2*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Xifan *ŋaŋ2*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Yuanmen *ŋaŋ4*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Qiaodui *ŋaŋ4*, [Li](/source/Hlai_languages)-Tongshi *ŋaŋ4*, Li-Baocheng *ŋa:ŋ2*, Li-Jiamao *ŋa:ŋ2*. - **to tear, pinch, peel, nip**: [Yue-Guangzhou](/source/Cantonese_language) *mit7* "tear, break off, pinch, peel off with finger", [Hakka](/source/Hakka_Chinese) *met7* "pluck, pull out, peel" ← Be-Lingao *mit5* "rip, tear", Longzhou *bitD1S*, Po-ai *mit*, Nung *bêt*, Tay *bit* "pick, pluck, nip off", [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *bit7* "tear off, twist, peel, pinch, squeeze, press", Li-Tongshi *mi:t7*, Li-Baoding *mi:t7* "pinch, squeeze, press". #### Substrate in Cantonese Yue-Hashimoto describes the [Yue Chinese](/source/Yue_Chinese) languages spoken in [Guangdong](/source/Guangdong) as having a Tai influence.[25] Robert Bauer (1996) points out twenty nine possible cognates between Cantonese spoken in [Guangzhou](/source/Guangzhou) and [Kra–Dai](/source/Kra%E2%80%93Dai_languages), of which seven cognates are confirmed to originate from [Kra–Dai](/source/Kra%E2%80%93Dai_languages) sources:[26] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *kɐj1* *hɔ:ŋ2* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *kai5* *ha:ŋ6* "young chicken which has not laid eggs"[27] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *ja:ŋ5* ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *jâ:ŋ* "to step on, tread"[28] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *kɐm6* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *kam6*, [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *kʰòm*, [Be-Lingao](/source/Ong_Be_language) *xɔm4* "to press down or suppress"[29] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *kɐp7b* *na:3*[c] ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *kop7*, [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *kòp* "frog"[30] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *khɐp8* ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *kʰòp* "to bite"[30] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *lɐm5* ← [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *lóm*, [Maonan](/source/Maonan_language) *lam5* "to collapse, to topple, to fall down (building)"[31] - [Cantonese](/source/Cantonese) *tɐm5* ← [Wuming Zhuang](/source/Wuming_Zhuang) *tam5*, [Siamese](/source/Thai_language) *tàm* "to hang down, be low"[32] #### Substrate in Wu Chinese Li Hui (2001) finds 126 Kra-Dai cognates in [Maqiao](/source/Minhang_District) [Wu dialect](/source/Wu_Chinese) spoken in the suburbs of [Shanghai](/source/Shanghai) out of more than a thousand lexical items surveyed.[33] According to the author, these cognates are likely traces of the Old Yue language.[33] The two tables below show lexical comparisons between Maqiao Wu dialect and Kra-Dai languages quoted from Li Hui (2001). He notes that, in Wu dialect, final consonants such as -m, -ɯ, -i, ụ, etc don't exist, and therefore, -m in Maqiao dialect tends to become -ŋ or -n, or it's simply absent, and in some cases -m even becomes final glottal stop.[34] Kra-Dai Maqiao Wu dialect Gloss -m , -n become -ŋ tam33 (Zhuang) təŋ354 step 跺 fa:n31 (Sui) fəŋ55 du53 snore/to snore 鼾 ɕam21 (Zhuang) pəʔ33 ɕhaŋ435 to have fun (游) 玩 final consonant/vowel missing va:n31li55 (Zhuang) ɑ:31 li33 still, yet 尚；还 tsai55 (Zhuang) tsɔ:435 to plow 犁(地) thaŋ55 (Dai) dᴇ354 hole/pit 坑 hai21 (Zhuang) hɑ53 filth 污垢 za:n11 (Bouyei) ɕhy55 zᴇ53 building/room 房子 kăi13 (Dai) kᴇ435 to draw close to 靠拢 fɤŋ13 (Dai) fɛ435 to sway/to swing 摆动 ɕa:ŋ33 (Bouyei) ɕhɑ55 tsɑ53 capable/competent 能干 tjeu44 (Maonan) thɛ435 to crawl 爬 becoming final glottal stop -ʔ loŋ21 (Zhuang) lɔʔ33 below/down 下(雨) kem55 (Zhuang) tɕiʔ33 ku53 cheek 腮 kam33 (Zhuang) kheʔ55 to press 按 kau33 son213 (Lingao) khəʔ55 tɕoŋ55 to doze/to nap 瞌睡 tɯ11 (Bouyei) ʔdəʔ55 end/extremity 端 ka:u11 (Bouyei) kuaʔ55 to split/to crack 裂 peu55 (Sui) pəʔ33 ɕaŋ435 to have fun(游)玩 Kra-Dai Maqiao Wu dialect Gloss -m , -n become -ŋ kam11 (Dai) kaŋ354 to prop up/to brace 撑住 tsam13 (Sui) tshoŋ53 to bow the head 低头 final consonant/vowel missing ve:n55 (Zhuang) ve:55 to hang/to suspend 悬挂；吊 lɒi55 (Dai) lu354 mountain/hill 山(地名用) xun—55 (Dai) ha:k55 (Zhuang) xɔ55 lɔ53 government official/official 官 məu53 (Dong) nɑ55 mo53 tadpole 蝌蚪 pai21 (Zhuang) pɛ435 fu53 classifier for times 趟；次 la:m33 (Zhuang) lɛ435 to tie up 拴(牛) tsam33 (Sui) tsɿ55 to bow the head 低头 (ɣa:i42) ɕa:i42 (Zhuang) ɕɑ:354 very, quite, much 很 becoming final glottal stop -ʔ sa:ŋ33 səu53 (Dong) seʔ33 zo55 ɦɯ11 wizard/magician 巫师 tɕe31 (Bouyei) tɕiʔ55 ɕhiŋ55 market/bazaar 集市 pleu55 (Zhuang) pəʔ33 to move 搬 wen55 (Dong) veʔ33 to pour 倒(水) thăi55 (Dai) theʔ55 to weed 耘 ta55 jɯ55 (Dai) teʔ55 to narrow one's eyes 眯 lom24 (Zhuang) lɔʔ33 nɒn35 pitfall/to sink 陷 ɣa:i42 (ɕa:i42) (Zhuang) ʔɔʔ55 very/quite/much 很 tom13 (Dai) thoʔ55 to cook/to boil 煮(肉) ### Austroasiatic arguments [Jerry Norman](/source/Jerry_Norman_(sinologist)) and [Mei Tsu-lin](/source/Mei_Tsu-lin) presented evidence that at least some Yue spoke an [Austroasiatic language](/source/Austroasiatic_languages):[35][36][37] - A well-known loanword into Sino-Tibetan[38] is **k-la** for [tiger](/source/Tiger) ([Hanzi](/source/Hanzi): 虎; Old Chinese (ZS): **qʰlaːʔ* > Mandarin pinyin: *hǔ*, Sino-Vietnamese *hổ*) from [Proto-Austroasiatic](/source/Proto-Austroasiatic) ***kalaʔ** (compare Vietic **k-haːlʔ* > *kʰaːlʔ* > Vietnamese *khái* and Muong *khảl*). - The early Chinese name for the Yangtze ([Chinese](/source/Chinese_language): [江](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%B1%9F); [pinyin](/source/Pinyin): *jiāng*; EMC: *kœ:ŋ*; OC: **kroŋ*; Cantonese: "kong") was later extended to a general word for "river" in south China. Norman and Mei suggest that the word is cognate with Vietnamese *sông* (from **krong*) and Mon *kruŋ* "river". They also provide evidence of an Austroasiatic [substrate](/source/Stratum_(linguistics)) in the vocabulary of [Min Chinese](/source/Min_Chinese).[35][39] For example: - *-dəŋA "shaman" may be compared with [Vietnamese](/source/Vietnamese_language) *đồng* (/ɗoŋ2/) "to shamanize, to communicate with spirits" and [Mon](/source/Mon_language) doŋ "to dance (as if) under demonic possession".[40][41] - *kiɑnB 囝 "son" appears to be related to Vietnamese *con* (/kɔn/) and Mon kon "child".[42][43] Norman and Mei's hypothesis has been criticized by [Laurent Sagart](/source/Laurent_Sagart), who demonstrates that many of the supposed loan words can be better explained as archaic Chinese words, or even loans from Austronesian languages; he also argues that the Vietic cradle must be located farther south in current north Vietnam.[7][44] - Norman & Mei also compares Min verb "to know, to recognize" [捌](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%8D%8C) ([Proto-Min](/source/Proto-Min_language) **pat*; whence [Fuzhou](/source/Fuzhou_dialect) /paiʔ˨˦/ & [Amoy](/source/Amoy_dialect) /pat̚˧˨/) to Vietnamese *biết*, also meaning "to know, to recognize". However, Sagart contends that the Min & Vietnamese sense "to know, to recognize" is semantically extended from well-attested Chinese verb [別](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E5%88%A5) "to distinguish, discriminate, differentiate" ((Mandarin: *bié*; MC: /bˠiɛt̚/; OC: **bred*);[45] thus Sagart considers Vietnamese *biết* as a loanword from Chinese. - According to the *[Shuowen Jiezi](/source/Shuowen_Jiezi)* (100 AD), "In Nanyue, the word for dog is ([Chinese](/source/Chinese_language): 撓獀; [pinyin](/source/Pinyin): *náosōu*; EMC: *nuw-ʂuw*)", possibly related to other Austroasiatic terms. *Sōu* is "hunt" in modern Chinese. However, in *[Shuowen Jiezi](/source/Shuowen_Jiezi)*, the word for dog is also recorded as 獶獀 with its most probable pronunciation around 100 CE must have been **ou-sou*, which resembles proto-Austronesian ***asu**, ***u‑asu** 'dog' than it resembles the palatal‑initialed Austroasiatic monosyllable Vietnamese *chó*, Old Mon *clüw*, etc.[5] - [Zheng Xuan](/source/Zheng_Xuan) (127–200 AD) wrote that [扎](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%89%8E) (Middle Chinese: /t͡ʃˠat̚/, modern Mandarin Chinese *zā*, modern Sino-Vietnamese: "trát") was the word used by the [Yue people](/source/Yue_people) (越人) to mean "die". Norman and Mei reconstruct this word as OC **tsət* and relate it to Austroasiatic words with the same meaning, such as Vietnamese *chết* and Mon *chɒt*. However, Laurent Sagart points out that [扎](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%E6%89%8E) is a well‑attested Chinese word also meaning "to die", which is overlooked by Norman and Mei.[45] That this word occurred in the Old Yue language in Han times could be because the Old Yue language borrowed it from Chinese.[45] Therefore, the resemblance of this Chinese word to an Austroasiatic word is probably accidental.[45] - According to Sagart, the resemblance between the Min word *-dəŋA "shaman" or "spirit healer" and the Vietnamese term *đồng* is undoubtedly by chance.[45] Moreover, Chamberlain (1998) posits that the Austroasiatic predecessor of the modern Vietnamese language originated in modern-day [Bolikhamsai Province](/source/Bolikhamsai_Province) and [Khammouane Province](/source/Khammouane_Province) in [Laos](/source/Laos) as well as parts of [Nghệ An Province](/source/Ngh%E1%BB%87_An_Province) and [Quảng Bình Province](/source/Qu%E1%BA%A3ng_B%C3%ACnh_Province) in [Vietnam](/source/Vietnam), rather than in the region north of the [Red River Delta](/source/Red_River_Delta).[46] However, Ferlus (2009) showed that the inventions of pestle, oar and a pan to cook sticky rice, which is the main characteristic of the [Đông Sơn culture](/source/%C4%90%C3%B4ng_S%C6%A1n_culture), correspond to the creation of new lexicons for these inventions in Northern Vietic (Việt–Mường) and Central Vietic ([Cuoi-Toum](/source/Cuoi_language)).[47] The new vocabularies of these inventions were proven to be derivatives from original verbs rather than borrowed lexical items. The current distribution of Northern Vietic also correspond to the area of Đông Sơn culture. Thus, Ferlus concludes that the Northern Vietic (Viet-Muong) speakers are the "most direct heirs" of the Dongsonians, who have resided in Southern part of Red River Delta and North Central Vietnam since the 1st millennium BC.[47] In addition, archaeogenetics demonstrated that before the Dong Son period, the Red River Delta's inhabitants were predominantly Austroasiatic: genetic data from [Phùng Nguyên culture](/source/Ph%C3%B9ng_Nguy%C3%AAn_culture)'s burial site (dated to 1,800 BCE) at [Mán Bạc](/source/M%C3%A1n_B%E1%BA%A1c) (in present-day [Ninh Bình Province](/source/Ninh_B%C3%ACnh_Province), [Vietnam](/source/Vietnam)) have close proximity to modern Austroasiatic speakers, while "mixed genetics" from Đông Sơn culture's Núi Nấp site showed affinity to "Dai from China, Tai-Kadai speakers from Thailand, and Austroasiatic speakers from Vietnam, including the Kinh"; these results indicated that significant contact happened between Tai speakers and Vietic speakers.[48] Ye (2014) identified a few Austroasiatic loanwords in Ancient Chu dialect of Old Chinese.[49] ## Writing system There is no known evidence of a writing system among the Yue peoples of the [Lingnan](/source/Lingnan) region in pre-Qin times, and the Chinese conquest of the region is believed to have introduced writing to the area. However, Liang Tingwang, a professor from the [Central University of Nationalities](/source/Central_University_of_Nationalities), said that the ancient Zhuang had their own proto-writing system but had to give it up because of the [Qinshi Emperor](/source/Qin_Shi_Huang)'s tough policy and to adopt the [Han Chinese writing system](/source/Chinese_characters), which ultimately developed into the [old Zhuang demotic script](/source/Sawndip) alongside the classical Chinese writing system, during the [Tang dynasty](/source/Tang_dynasty) (618–907).[50] ## Notes 1. **[^](#cite_ref-1)** [Chinese](/source/Chinese_language): 古越語; [pinyin](/source/Pinyin): **Gǔyuè yǔ**; [Jyutping](/source/Jyutping): *Gu2 Jyut6 Jyu5*; [Pe̍h-ōe-jī](/source/Pe%CC%8Dh-%C5%8De-j%C4%AB): *Kó͘-oa̍t-gí / Kó͘-oa̍t-gír / Kó͘-oa̍t-gú*; [Vietnamese](/source/Vietnamese_language): Tiếng Việt cổ 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Explanation_21-0)** The upper row represents the original text, the next row the Old Chinese pronunciation, the third a transcription of written Thai, and the fourth line English glosses. Finally, there is Zhengzhang's English translation. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-na:_32-0)** The second syllable **na:3** may correspond to Tai morpheme for 'field'. ## References 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEZhengzhang1991159–168_2-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEZhengzhang1991159–168_2-1) [***c***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEZhengzhang1991159–168_2-2) [Zhengzhang 1991](#CITEREFZhengzhang1991), pp. 159–168. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-DeLancey_(2011)_3-0)** DeLancey, Scott (2011). ["On the Origins of Sinitic"](https://www.academia.edu/3894773). *Proceedings of the 23rd North American Conference on Chinese Lingusitics*. "Studies in Chinese Language and Discourse" series. Vol. 1. pp. 51–64. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1075/scld.2.04del](https://doi.org/10.1075%2Fscld.2.04del). [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-90-272-0181-2](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-272-0181-2). 1. **[^](#cite_ref-4)** Enfield, N. J. (2005). ["Areal Linguistics and Mainland Southeast Asia"](https://web.archive.org/web/20130524220414/http://pubman.mpdl.mpg.de/pubman/item/escidoc:57458:2/component/escidoc:57459/Enfield_2005_areal.pdf) (PDF). *Annual Review of Anthropology*. **34**: 181–206. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1146/annurev.anthro.34.081804.120406](https://doi.org/10.1146%2Fannurev.anthro.34.081804.120406). [hdl](/source/Hdl_(identifier)):[11858/00-001M-0000-0013-167B-C](https://hdl.handle.net/11858%2F00-001M-0000-0013-167B-C). Archived from [the original](http://pubman.mpdl.mpg.de/pubman/item/escidoc:57458:2/component/escidoc:57459/Enfield_2005_areal.pdf) (PDF) on 2013-05-24. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-5)** [LaPolla, Randy J.](/source/Randy_LaPolla) (2010). ["Language Contact and Language Change in the History of the Sinitic Languages"](https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.sbspro.2010.05.036). *Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences*. **2** (5): 6858–6868. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1016/j.sbspro.2010.05.036](https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.sbspro.2010.05.036). 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008143_6-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008143_6-1) [***c***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008143_6-2) [Sagart 2008](#CITEREFSagart2008), p. 143. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-7)** ["Some thoughts on the problem of the Austro-Asiatic homeland"](https://www.jolr.ru/files/(68)jlr2011-6(101-114).pdf) (PDF). *JOLR.ru*. Peiros. 2011. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008141–145_8-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008141–145_8-1) [Sagart 2008](#CITEREFSagart2008), pp. 141–145. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Behr_2009_9-0)** Behr, Wolfgang (2009). "Dialects, diachrony, diglossia or all three? Tomb text glimpses into the language(s) of Chǔ", *TTW-3, Zürich, 26.-29.VI.2009, "Genius loci"*. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Meacham_10-0)** Meacham, William (1996). ["Defining the Hundred Yue"](http://journals.lib.washington.edu/index.php/BIPPA/article/view/11537/10170). *Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association*. **15**: 93–100. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.7152/bippa.v15i0.11537](https://doi.org/10.7152%2Fbippa.v15i0.11537) (inactive 12 July 2025).{{[cite journal](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Template:Cite_journal)}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 ([link](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:CS1_maint:_DOI_inactive_as_of_July_2025)) 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-Chamberlain_2016_11-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-Chamberlain_2016_11-1) [***c***](#cite_ref-Chamberlain_2016_11-2) [Chamberlain (2016)](#CITEREFChamberlain2016) 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEPittayaporn201247–64_12-0)** [Pittayaporn 2012](#CITEREFPittayaporn2012), pp. 47–64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFPittayaporn2012 ([help](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Harv_and_Sfn_template_errors)) 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKiernan201984_13-0)** [Kiernan 2019](#CITEREFKiernan2019), p. 84. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Blench_2018_14-0)** Blench, Roger (2018). [*Tai-Kadai and Austronesian Are Related at Multiple Levels and Their Archaeological Interpretation (Draft)*](https://www.academia.edu/37593287) – via Academia.edu. The volume of cognates between Austronesian and Daic, notably in fundamental vocabulary, is such that they must be related. Borrowing can be excluded as an explanation 1. **[^](#cite_ref-15)** [Chamberlain (2016)](#CITEREFChamberlain2016), p. 67 1. **[^](#cite_ref-16)** Gerner, Matthias (2014). [*Project Discussion: The Austro-Tai Hypothesis. The 14th International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (IsCLL-14)*](https://web.archive.org/web/20220201201811/http://iscll-14.ling.sinica.edu.tw/files-pdf/Papers/Session4/Gerner.pdf) (PDF). The 14th International Symposium on Chinese Languages and Linguistics (IsCLL -14). p. 158. Archived from [the original](http://iscll-14.ling.sinica.edu.tw/files-pdf/Papers/Session4/Gerner.pdf) (PDF) on 2022-02-01. Retrieved 2021-10-18. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHolm2013785_17-0)** [Holm 2013](#CITEREFHolm2013), p. 785. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEdmondson200716_18-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEdmondson200716_18-1) [Edmondson 2007](#CITEREFEdmondson2007), p. 16. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEdmondson200717_19-0)** [Edmondson 2007](#CITEREFEdmondson2007), p. 17. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHolm2013784–785_20-0)** [Holm 2013](#CITEREFHolm2013), pp. 784–785. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBehr20021–2_22-0)** [Behr 2002](#CITEREFBehr2002), pp. 1–2. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBehr20022_23-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBehr20022_23-1) [Behr 2002](#CITEREFBehr2002), p. 2. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBehr20022–3_24-0)** [Behr 2002](#CITEREFBehr2002), pp. 2–3. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBehr20023_25-0)** [Behr 2002](#CITEREFBehr2002), p. 3. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-Bauer_26-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-Bauer_26-1) Bauer, Robert S. (1987). 'Kadai loanwords in southern Chinese dialects', Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan 32: 95–111. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-27)** Yue-Hashimoto, Anne Oi-Kan (1972), *Studies in Yue Dialects 1: Phonology of Cantonese*, Cambridge University Press, p. 6, [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-08442-0](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-08442-0) 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961835–1836_28-0)** [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), pp. 1835–1836. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961822–1823_29-0)** [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), pp. 1822–1823. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961823_30-0)** [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), p. 1823. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961826_31-0)** [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), p. 1826. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961827_33-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961827_33-1) [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), p. 1827. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961828–1829_34-0)** [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), pp. 1828–1829. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBauer19961834_35-0)** [Bauer (1996)](#CITEREFBauer1996), p. 1834. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELi200115_36-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELi200115_36-1) [Li 2001](#CITEREFLi2001), p. 15. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTELi200119_37-0)** [Li 2001](#CITEREFLi2001), p. 19. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-Norman&Mei_38-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-Norman&Mei_38-1) [Norman, Jerry](/source/Jerry_Norman_(sinologist)); Mei, Tsu-lin (1976). ["The Austroasiatics in Ancient South China: Some Lexical Evidence"](https://web.archive.org/web/20220609221202/http://tlmei.com/tm17web/1976a_austroasiatics.pdf) (PDF). *Monumenta Serica*. **32**: 274–301. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1080/02549948.1976.11731121](https://doi.org/10.1080%2F02549948.1976.11731121). [JSTOR](/source/JSTOR_(identifier)) [40726203](https://www.jstor.org/stable/40726203). Archived from [the original](http://tlmei.com/tm17web/1976a_austroasiatics.pdf) (PDF) on 2022-06-09. Retrieved 2021-10-03. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-39)** [Norman, Jerry](/source/Jerry_Norman_(sinologist)) (1988). *Chinese*. Cambridge University Press. pp. 17–19. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-29653-3](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-29653-3). 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Loewe_40-0)** Boltz, William G. (1999). "Language and Writing". In Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.). [*The Cambridge history of ancient China: from the origins of civilization to 221 B.C.*](/source/The_Cambridge_History_of_Ancient_China). Cambridge University Press. pp. 74–123. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-47030-8](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-47030-8). 1. **[^](#cite_ref-41)** [Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus](http://stedt.berkeley.edu/~stedt-cgi/rootcanal.pl/etymon/5560) 1. **[^](#cite_ref-42)** [Norman (1988)](#CITEREFNorman1988), pp. 18–19, 231 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENorman198818–19_43-0)** [Norman (1988)](#CITEREFNorman1988), pp. 18–19. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENormanMei1976296–297_44-0)** [Norman & Mei (1976)](#CITEREFNormanMei1976), pp. 296–297. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENorman198163_45-0)** [Norman (1981)](#CITEREFNorman1981), p. 63. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFNorman1981 ([help](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Harv_and_Sfn_template_errors)) 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTENormanMei1976297–298_46-0)** [Norman & Mei (1976)](#CITEREFNormanMei1976), pp. 297–298. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008165-190_47-0)** [Sagart 2008](#CITEREFSagart2008), p. 165-190. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008142_48-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008142_48-1) [***c***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008142_48-2) [***d***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008142_48-3) [***e***](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTESagart2008142_48-4) [Sagart 2008](#CITEREFSagart2008), p. 142. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Chamberlain_49-0)** Chamberlain, J.R. 1998, "[The origin of Sek: implications for Tai and Vietnamese history](http://sealang.net/sala/archives/pdf8/chamberlain1998origin.pdf)", in The International Conference on Tai Studies, ed. S. Burusphat, Bangkok, Thailand, pp. 97-128. Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University. 1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-Ferlus_2009_50-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-Ferlus_2009_50-1) Ferlus, Michael (2009). ["A Layer of Dongsonian Vocabulary in Vietnamese"](https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/file/index/docid/991634/filename/Ferlus2009_Dongsonian_JSEALS.pdf) (PDF). *Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society*. **1**: 95–108. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-FOOTNOTEAlves20197_51-0)** [Alves 2019](#CITEREFAlves2019), p. 7. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-Ye_2014_52-0)** Ye, Xiaofeng (叶晓锋) (2014). [上古楚语中的南亚语成分](http://acad.cssn.cn/zt/zt_xkzt/zt_wxzt/bw7/nyxs/201507/W020150728818382888024.pdf) [Archived](https://web.archive.org/web/20210114031908/http://acad.cssn.cn/zt/zt_xkzt/zt_wxzt/bw7/nyxs/201507/W020150728818382888024.pdf) 2021-01-14 at the [Wayback Machine](/source/Wayback_Machine) (Austroasiatic elements in ancient Chu dialect). 《民族语文》. 3: 28-36. 1. **[^](#cite_ref-BoHuang_53-0)** Huang, Bo (2017). [*Comprehensive Geographic Information Systems*](https://books.google.com/books?id=c-lGDgAAQBAJ&pg=RA2-PA162), Elsevier, p. 162. ## Sources - Alves, Mark (May 2019). [*Data from Multiple Disciplines Connecting Vietic with the Dong Son Culture*](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333720204) (PPTX). Contact Zones and Colonialism in Southeast Asia and China's South (~221 BCE - 1700 CE). Pennsylvania State University. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.13140/RG.2.2.32110.05446](https://doi.org/10.13140%2FRG.2.2.32110.05446). - Bauer, Robert S. (1996). ["Identifying the Tai substratum in Cantonese"](http://sealang.net/sala/archives/pdf8/bauer1996identifying.pdf) (PDF). *Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium on Languages and Linguistics, Pan-Asiatic Linguistics V: 1 806- 1 844*. Bangkok: Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development, Mahidol University at Salaya. - Behr, Wolfgang (2002). ["Stray loanword gleanings from two Ancient Chinese fictional texts"](https://www.academia.edu/1693935). *16e Journées de Linguistique d'Asie Orientale, Centre de Recherches Linguistiques Sur l'Asie Orientale (E.H.E.S.S.), Paris*: 1–6. - Sagart, Laurent (2008). ["The expansion of Setaria farmers in East Asia"](https://www.academia.edu/3077307). In Sanchez-Mazas, Alicia; Blench, Roger; Ross, Malcolm D.; Ilia, Peiros; Lin, Marie (eds.). *Past human migrations in East Asia: matching archaeology, linguistics and genetics*. Routledge. pp. 133–157. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-415-39923-4](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-415-39923-4). In conclusion, there is no convincing evidence, linguistic or other, of an early Austroasiatic presence on the southeast China coast. - Chamberlain, James R. (2016). ["Kra-Dai and the Proto-History of South China and Vietnam"](https://so06.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/pub_jss/article/view/158051). *Journal of the Siam Society*. **104**: 27–77. - Li, Hui (2001). ["Daic Background Vocabulary in Shanghai Maqiao Dialect"](https://web.archive.org/web/20180327144856/http://loca.fudan.edu.cn/lh/Doc/D02.pdf) (PDF). *Proceedings for Conference of Minority Cultures in Hainan and Taiwan, Haikou: Research Society for Chinese National History*: 15–26. Archived from [the original](http://loca.fudan.edu.cn/lh/Doc/D02.pdf) (PDF) on 2018-03-27. Retrieved 2021-10-03. - Edmondson, Jerold A. (2007). ["The power of language over the past: Tai settlement and Tai linguistics in southern China and northern Vietnam"](https://web.archive.org/web/20140101150947/http://www.uta.edu/faculty/jerry/pol.pdf) (PDF). *Studies in Southeast Asian Languages and Linguistics, Jimmy G. Harris, Somsonge Burusphat and James E. Harris, ed. Bangkok, Thailand: Ek Phim Thai Co. LTD.*: 1–25. Archived from [the original](http://www.uta.edu/faculty/jerry/pol.pdf) (PDF) on 2014-01-01. Retrieved 2021-10-03. - Holm, David (2013). [*Mapping the Old Zhuang Character Script: A Vernacular Writing System from Southern China*](https://books.google.com/books?id=fblyTyd9PlsC&q=Mapping%20the%20Old%20Zhuang%20Character%20Script%3A%20A%20Vernacular%20Writing%20System%20from&pg=PA785). BRILL. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-9-004-22369-1](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-9-004-22369-1). - Kiernan, Ben (2019). *Việt Nam: a history from earliest time to the present*. [Oxford University Press](/source/Oxford_University_Press). [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-190-05379-6](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-190-05379-6). - Pittayaporn, Pittayawat (2014). ["Layers of Chinese Loanwords in Protosouthwestern Tai as Evidence for the Dating of the Spread of Southwestern Tai"](http://www.manusya.journals.chula.ac.th/files/essay/Pittayawat%2047-68.pdf) (PDF). *MANUSYA: Journal of Humanities*. Special Issue No. 20 (3): 47–68. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1163/26659077-01703004](https://doi.org/10.1163%2F26659077-01703004). - Zhengzhang, Shangfang (1991). ["Decipherment of Yue-Ren-Ge (Song of the Yue boatman)"](http://www.persee.fr/doc/clao_0153-3320_1991_num_20_2_1345). *Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale*. **20** (2): 159–168. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.3406/clao.1991.1345](https://doi.org/10.3406%2Fclao.1991.1345). ## Further reading - [Zhengzhang Shangfang](/source/Zhengzhang_Shangfang) 1999. "An Interpretation of the Old Yue Language Written in [Goujiàn](/source/Goujian)'s *Wéijiă lìng*" [句践"维甲"令中之古越语的解读]. In *Minzu Yuwen* **4**, pp. 1–14. - [Zhengzhang Shangfang](/source/Zhengzhang_Shangfang) 1998. "Gu Yueyu" 古越語 [The old Yue language]. In Dong Chuping 董楚平 et al. Wu Yue wenhua zhi 吳越文化誌 [Record of the cultures of Wu and Yue]. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1998, vol. 1, pp. 253–281. - [Zhengzhang Shangfang](/source/Zhengzhang_Shangfang) 1990. "Some Kam-Tai Words in Place Names of the Ancient Wu and Yue States" [古吴越地名中的侗台语成份]. In *Minzu Yuwen* **6**. v t e Languages of China Official Standard Chinese Varieties of Chinese Danzhou Mandarin Northeastern Beijing Ji-Lu Jiao-Liao Zhongyuan Lan-Yin Jin Southwestern Sichuanese Southeastern Gan Hakka Hui Mai Min Southern Hokkien Teoswa Hainanese Eastern Puxian Central Northern Shaojiang Pinghua Shaozhou Tuhua Shanke Wu Chu–Qu Jiangshan Qingtian Quzhou Oujiang Taihu Jinxiang Northwestern Changzhou Hangzhou Northern Zhejiang Ningbo Shaoxing Su–Jia–Hu Shanghainese Suzhou Wuxi Taizhou Taizhou proper Wuzhou Jinhua Xuanzhou Xiang New Old Yue Cantonese Regional ARs / SARs CantoneseHK/MC EnglishHK MongolianNM PortugueseMC TibetanXZ UyghurXJ ZhuangGX Prefecture Hmong Kam Bouyei Tujia Korean Qiang Yi Kyrgyz Kazakh Tai Nüa Tai Lü Zaiwa Lisu Bai Hani Zhuang Counties/Banners numerous Indigenous Sino-Tibetan languages Lolo- Burmese Mondzish Kathu Maang Manga Mango Maza Mondzi Muangphe Burmish Achang Chashan Lashi Lhao Vo Pela Xiandao Zaiwa Loloish Hanoish Akeu Akha Amu Angluo Asuo Baihong Bisu Budu Bukong Cosao Duoni Duota Enu Habei Hani Honi Jino Kabie Kaduo Lami Laomian Laopin Mpi Muda Nuobi Nuomei Phana’ Piyo Qidi Sadu Sangkong Suobi Tsukong Woni Yiche Lisoish Eka Hlersu Kua-nsi Kuamasi Laizisi Lalo Lamu Lavu Lawu Limi Lipo Lisu Lolopo Mangdi Micha Mili Sonaga Toloza Xuzhang Yangliu Zibusi Nisoish Alingpo Alugu Aluo Axi Azha Azhe Bokha Gepo Khlula Lope Moji Muji Muzi Nasu Nisu Nuosu Phala Phola Phowa Phukha Phuma Phupa Phupha Phuza Samei Sani Thopho Zokhuo Other Gokhy Katso Kucong Lahu Naruo Namuyi Naxi Nusu Samu Sanie Zauzou Qiangic Baima Choyo Ersu Guiqiong Horpa Japhug Khroskyabs Laze Lizu Na Muya Namuyi Naxi Pumi Northern Qiang Southern Qiang Shixing Situ Tshobdun Zbu Zhaba Tibetic Amdo Baima Basum Central Tibetan Choni Dao Dongwang Drugchu Groma Gserpa Khalong Khams Kyirong Ladakhi Tseku Zhongu Zitsadegu Other Bai Caijia Derung Jingpo Longjia Nung Tujia Waxianghua Other languages Austroasiatic Bit Blang Bolyu Bugan Bumang Hu Kuan Mang Man Met Muak Sa-aak Palaung Riang U Va Wa Hmong–Mien Hmongic A-Hmao Bu-Nao Gejia Guiyang Hm Nai Hmong Hmu Huishui Kiong Nai Luobohe Mashan Pa-Hng Pa Na Pingtang Qo Xiong Raojia Sanqiao Sheyu Small Flowery Xixiu Younuo Mienic Biao Min Dzao Min Iu Mien Kim Mun Mongolic Bonan Buryat Daur Eastern Yugur Kangjia Khamnigan Monguor Oirat Ordos Santa Torgut Kra-Dai Zhuang Bouyei Dai Min Ningming Nong Tai Dam Tai Dón Tai Hongjin Tai Lü Tai Nüa Tai Ya Yang Yei Other Ai-Cham Biao Buyang Cao Miao Chadong Cun Gelao Hlai Jiamao Kam Lakkja Mak Maonan Mulam Naxi Yao Ong Be Paha Qabiao Sui Then Tungusic Evenki Manchu Nanai Oroqen Xibe Turkic Äynu Fuyu Kyrgyz Ili Turki Salar Western Yugur Other Sarikoli (Indo-European) Tsat (Austronesian) Formosan languages (Austronesian) Minority Kazakh Korean Kyrgyz Russian Esperanto Tatar Tuvan Uzbek Vietnamese (Kinh) Wakhi Creole/Mixed E Hezhou Lingling Macanese Maojia Qoqmončaq Tangwang Wutun Extinct Ba–Shu Jie Khitan Old Yue Rouran Saka Tangut Tocharian Tuoba Tuyuhun Xianbei Zhangzhung Sign Chinese Sign Hong Kong Sign Tibetan Sign GX = Guangxi HK = Hong Kong MC = Macau NM = Inner Mongolia XJ = Xinjiang XZ = Tibet --- Adapted from the Wikipedia article [Old Yue language](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Old_Yue_language) by Wikipedia contributors ([contributor history](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Old_Yue_language?action=history)). Available under [Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International](https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/). Changes may have been made.