# Hypercorrection

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Non-standard language usage

This article is about language usage. For the psychology use, see [Hypercorrection (psychology)](/source/Hypercorrection_(psychology)).

In [sociolinguistics](/source/Sociolinguistics), **hypercorrection** is the [nonstandard](/source/Nonstandard_dialect) [use of language](/source/Usage_(language)) that results from the overapplication of a perceived rule of [language-usage prescription](/source/Prescriptive_grammar). A speaker or writer who produces a hypercorrection generally believes through a misunderstanding of such rules that the form or phrase they use is more "correct", [standard](/source/Standard_language), or otherwise preferable, often combined with a desire to appear formal or educated.[1][2]

Linguistic hypercorrection occurs when a real or imagined grammatical rule is applied in an inappropriate context, so that an attempt to be "correct" leads to an incorrect result. It does not occur when a speaker follows "a natural speech instinct", according to [Otto Jespersen](/source/Otto_Jespersen) and Robert J. Menner.[3]

Hypercorrection can be found among speakers of less [prestigious](/source/Prestige_(sociolinguistics)) [language varieties](/source/Variety_(linguistics)) who attempt to produce forms associated with high-prestige varieties, even in situations where speakers of those varieties would not. Some commentators call such production *hyperurbanism*.[4]

Hypercorrection can occur in many languages and wherever multiple languages or language varieties are in contact.

## Types of overapplied rules

Studies in [sociolinguistics](/source/Sociolinguistics) and [applied linguistics](/source/Applied_linguistics) have noted the overapplication of rules of [phonology](/source/Phonology), [syntax](/source/Syntax), or [morphology](/source/Morphology_(linguistics)), resulting either from different rules in varieties of the same language or [second-language learning](/source/Second-language_acquisition). An example of a common hypercorrection based on application of the rules of a second (i.e., new, foreign) language is the use of *octopi* for the [plural of *octopus*](/source/Plural_form_of_words_ending_in_-us#Octopus) in English; this is based on the faulty assumption that *octopus* is a [second declension](/source/Latin_declension#Second_declension_(o_stems)) word of [Latin origin](/source/Latin_in_English) when in fact it is [third declension](/source/Ancient_Greek_nouns#Third_declension) and comes from [Greek](/source/Greek_and_Latin_words_found_in_species_names).[5][*[better source needed](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Verifiability#Questionable_sources)*]

Sociolinguists often note hypercorrection in terms of pronunciation (phonology). For example, [William Labov](/source/William_Labov) noted that all of the English speakers he studied in [New York City](/source/New_York_City) in the 1960s tended to pronounce words such as *hard* as [rhotic](/source/Rhotic_and_non-rhotic_accents) (pronouncing the "R" as [/hɑːrd/](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/English) rather than [/hɑːd/](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/English)) more often when speaking carefully. Furthermore, [middle class](/source/Middle_class) speakers had more rhotic pronunciation than [working class](/source/Working_class) speakers did.

However, lower-middle class speakers had more rhotic pronunciation than upper-middle class speakers. Labov suggested that these lower-middle class speakers were attempting to emulate the pronunciation of upper-middle class speakers, but were actually over-producing the very noticeable R-sound.[6]

A common source of hypercorrection in English speakers' use of the language's morphology and syntax happens in the use of pronouns (see [§ Personal pronouns](#Personal_pronouns)).[4]

Hypercorrection can also occur when learners of a new-to-them (second, foreign) language try to avoid applying grammatical rules from their [native language](/source/Native_language) to the new language (a situation known as [language transfer](/source/Language_transfer)). The effect can occur, for example, when a student of a new language has learned that certain sounds of their original language must usually be replaced by another in the studied language, but has not learned when *not* to replace them.[7]

In addition, the special case of a pseudo-hypercorrection has been identified where standard usage is at issue, but *accidentally*, i.e., where a speaker luckily produces a *correct* result.[8]

## English

English has no authoritative body or [language academy](/source/Language_academy) [codifying](/source/Codification_(linguistics)) norms for [standard usage](/source/Standard_language), unlike some other languages. Nonetheless, within groups of users of English, certain usages are considered unduly elaborate adherences to formal rules. Such speech or writing is sometimes called *hyperurbanism*, defined by [Kingsley Amis](/source/Kingsley_Amis) as an "indulged desire to be posher than posh".[*[citation needed](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed)*]

### Personal pronouns

In 2004, Jack Lynch, [assistant professor](/source/Assistant_professor) of English at [Rutgers University](/source/Rutgers_University), said on *[Voice of America](/source/Voice_of_America)* that the correction of the subject-positioned "you and me" to "you and I" leads people to "internalize the rule that 'you and I' is somehow more proper, and they end up using it in places where they should not – such as 'he gave it to you and I' when it should be 'he gave it to you and me.'"[9]

However, the linguists [Rodney Huddleston](/source/Rodney_Huddleston) and [Geoffrey K. Pullum](/source/Geoffrey_K._Pullum) write that [utterances](/source/Utterances) such as "They invited Sandy and I" are "heard constantly in the conversation of people whose status as speakers of Standard English is clear" and that "[t]hose who condemn it simply assume that the case of a pronoun in a coordination must be the same as when it stands alone. Actual usage is in conflict with this assumption."[10]

### H-adding

Some British accents, such as [Cockney](/source/Cockney#Cockney_speech), drop the initial *h* from words; e.g., *have* becomes *'ave*. A hypercorrection associated with this is [H-adding](/source/H-dropping#H-insertion), adding an initial *h* to a word which would not normally have one. An example of this can be found in the speech of the character [Parker](/source/Aloysius_Parker) in the [marionette](/source/Marionette) TV series *[Thunderbirds](/source/Thunderbirds_(TV_series))*, e.g., "We'll 'ave the haristocrats 'ere soon".[11] Parker's speech was based on a real person the creators encountered at a restaurant in [Cookham](/source/Cookham).[12]

### Hyperforeignism

Main article: [Hyperforeignism](/source/Hyperforeignism)

Hyperforeignism arises from speakers misidentifying the distribution of a pattern found in loanwords and extending it to other environments. The result of this process does not reflect the rules of either language.[13] For example, *[habanero](/source/Habanero_chili)* is sometimes pronounced as though it were spelled "habañero", in imitation of other Spanish words like *jalapeño* and *piñata*.[14] *[Machismo](/source/Machismo)* is sometimes pronounced "makizmo", apparently as if it were Italian, rather than the phonetic English pronunciation which resembles the original Spanish word, /mɑːˈtʃiz.mo/. Similarly, the z in *[chorizo](/source/Chorizo)* is sometimes pronounced as /ts/ (as if it were Italian), whereas the original Spanish pronunciation has /θ/ or /s/.

### English as a second language

Some English-Spanish [cognates](/source/Cognate) primarily differ by beginning with *s* instead of *es*, such as the English word *spectacular* and the Spanish word *espectacular*. A native Spanish speaker may conscientiously hypercorrect for the word *escape* by writing or saying *scape*, or for the word *establish* by writing or saying *stablish*, which is [archaic](/source/Archaic_word), or an informal pronunciation in some dialects.[15]

When learning English, German speakers often have trouble pronouncing [w] since the phoneme [w] is absent from German. The letter <w> also makes the [v] sound in German. After German speakers master the pronunciation of [w], some of them hypercorrect to incorrectly pronounce the [v] phoneme in English as [w] without realizing it.[16]

### Additional examples

- Using the verb *affect* in place of *effect* in cases where the intended meaning is "to bring about". The two terms can be pronounced very similarly, so English speakers may be taught (as a generalization) that *affect* is a verb whereas *effect* is a noun as a helpful rule-of-thumb when writing. However, *effect* is the appropriate choice in cases such as "to effect change", and *affect* can in rare cases function as a noun when referring to a person's observed emotional state.[17]

- The misuse of adverbs in an attempt to modify linking verbs. One might say "She feels badly", believing that *badly* should be used since it follows a verb, and adverbs typically end in –ly. However, in this case, *feels* functions as a [linking verb](/source/Linking_verb) between subject and its descriptor, and thus the adjective form (i.e., *bad*) is appropriate.[18]

## Chinese

Native speakers of southern Chinese varieties who learn [Standard Mandarin Chinese](/source/Standard_Mandarin_Chinese) often have trouble pronouncing the prestige variety's [retroflex consonants](/source/Retroflex_consonants), as these consonants are absent from southern varieties. As a result, in [Singapore Mandarin](/source/Singapore_Mandarin), which is influenced by southern Chinese varieties, words with the [phoneme](/source/Phoneme) /ʂ/ in Standard Mandarin are often realized as [s]. For words with /s/ in Standard Mandarin, Singaporean speakers also sometimes pronounce a hypercorrect realization with [ʂ], such as (in [pinyin](/source/Hanyu_pinyin) transliterations) *shuǒyǐ* for Standard Mandarin *suǒyǐ* (所以; 'so', 'therefore'). A study found that male speakers were more likely to produce these hypercorrect forms than female speakers.[19]

## Serbo-Croatian

As the [locative case](/source/Locative_case) is rarely found in [vernacular](/source/Vernacular) usage in the southern and eastern dialects of Serbia, and the [accusative](/source/Accusative_case) is used instead, speakers tend to overcorrect when trying to deploy the [standard variety](/source/Standard_variety) of the language in more formal occasions, thus using the locative even when the accusative should be used (typically, when indicating direction rather than location): "*Izlazim na kolovozu*" instead of "*izlazim na kolovoz*".[20]

## Hebrew and Yiddish

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[Ghil'ad Zuckermann](/source/Ghil'ad_Zuckermann) argues that the following hypercorrect pronunciations in [Israeli Hebrew](/source/Israeli_Hebrew) are "snobbatives" (from *[snob](/source/Snob)* + *-ative*, modelled upon [comparatives and superlatives](/source/Comparison_(grammar))):[21]

- the hypercorrect pronunciation *khupím* instead of *khofím* for חופים‎ 'beaches'.

- the hypercorrect pronunciation *tsorfát* instead of *tsarfát* for צרפת‎ 'France'.

- the hypercorrect pronunciation *amán* instead of *omán* for אמן‎ 'artist'.

The last two hypercorrection examples derive from a confusion related to the [kamatz gadol](/source/Kamatz) Hebrew vowel, which in the accepted [Sephardi Hebrew](/source/Sephardi_Hebrew_language) pronunciation is rendered as /aː/ but which is pronounced /ɔ/ in [Ashkenazi Hebrew](/source/Ashkenazi_Hebrew), and in Hebrew words that also occur in [Yiddish](/source/Yiddish). However, the [kamatz katan](/source/Kamatz) vowel, which is visually indistinguishable from kamatz gadol, is rendered as /o/ in both pronunciations. This leads to hypercorrections in both directions.

- The consistent pronunciation of all forms of *qamatz* as /a/, disregarding *qatan* and *hataf* forms, could be seen as hypercorrections when Hebrew speakers of Ashkenazic origin attempt to pronounce Sephardic Hebrew, for example, [צָהֳרָיִם](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%D7%A6%D7%94%D7%A8%D7%99%D7%9D)‎, 'midday' as *tzaharayim**,* rather than *tzohorayim* as in [standard Israeli pronunciation](/source/Standard_Hebrew); the traditional Sephardi pronunciation is *tzahorayim*. This may, however, be an example of oversimplification rather than of hypercorrection.

- Conversely, many older [British Jews](/source/British_Jews) consider it more colloquial and "down-home" to say *Shobbes*, *cholla* and *motza*, though the vowel in these words is in fact a *[patach](/source/Patach)*, which is rendered as /a/ in both Sephardi and Ashkenazi Hebrew.

Other hypercorrections occur when speakers of Israeli Hebrew (which is based on Sephardic) attempt to pronounce Ashkenazi Hebrew, for example for religious purposes. The month of [Shevat](/source/Shevat) ([שבט](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%D7%A9%D7%91%D7%98)‎) is mistakenly pronounced *Shvas*, as if it were spelled *שְׁבַת‎. In an attempt to imitate [Polish](/source/Polish_language) and [Lithuanian](/source/Lithuanian_language) dialects, *qamatz* (both *gadol* and *qatan*), which would normally be pronounced [ɔ], is hypercorrected to the pronunciation of *holam*, [ɔj], rendering [גדול](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%D7%92%D7%93%D7%95%D7%9C)‎ ('large') as *goydl* and [ברוך](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/%D7%91%D7%A8%D7%95%D7%9A)‎ ('blessed') as *boyrukh*.

## Spanish

In some Spanish dialects, the final intervocalic /d/ ([ð]) is dropped, such as in *[pescado](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/pescado)* (fish), which would typically be pronounced [pesˈkaðo] but can be manifested as [pesˈkao] dialectically. Speakers sensitive to this variation may insert a /d/ intervocalically into a word without such a consonant, such as in the case of *[bacalao](https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/bacalao)* (cod), correctly pronounced [bakaˈlao] but occasionally hypercorrected to [bakaˈlaðo].[22]

Outside Spain and in [Andalusia](/source/Andalusia), the phonemes /θ/ and /s/ have merged, mostly into the realization [[s](/source/Voiceless_alveolar_fricative)] but [ceceo](/source/Ceceo), i.e. the pronunciation of both as [[s̟](/source/Voiceless_denti-alveolar_fricative)], is found in some areas as well, primarily parts of Andalusia. Speakers of varieties that have [[s](/source/Voiceless_alveolar_fricative)] in all cases will frequently produce [[θ](/source/Voiceless_dental_fricative)] even in places where [peninsular Spanish](/source/Peninsular_Spanish) has [[s](/source/Voiceless_alveolar_fricative)] when trying to imitate a peninsular accent. As [Spanish orthography](/source/Spanish_orthography) distinguishes the two phonemes in all varieties, but the pronunciation is not differentiated in Latin American varieties, some speakers also get mixed up with the spelling.

Many Spanish dialects tend to [aspirate](/source/Spanish_dialects_and_varieties#Debuccalization_of_coda_/s/) syllable-final /s/, and some even elide it often. Since this phenomenon is somewhat stigmatized, some speakers in the [Caribbean](/source/Caribbean_Spanish) and especially the [Dominican Republic](/source/Dominican_Spanish) may attempt to correct for it by pronouncing an /s/ where it does not belong. For example, *catorce años* '14 years' may be pronounced as *catorces año*.[23]

## German

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The [East Franconian dialects](/source/East_Franconian_dialect) are notable for [lenition](/source/Lenition) of stops /p/ /t/ /k/ to [b], [d], [g]. Thus, a common hypercorrection is the [fortition](/source/Fortition) of properly lenis stops, sometimes including aspiration as evidenced by the speech of [Günther Beckstein](/source/G%C3%BCnther_Beckstein).

The [digraph](/source/Digraph_(orthography)) ⟨ig⟩ in word-final position is pronounced [\[ɪç\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) per the [Bühnendeutsch](/source/B%C3%BChnendeutsch) standard, but this pronunciation is frequently perceived as nonstandard and instead realized as [\[ɪɡ̊\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) or [\[ɪk\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) ([final obstruent devoicing](/source/Final_obstruent_devoicing)) even by speakers from [dialect areas](/source/Dialect_continuum) that pronounce the digraph [\[ɪç\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) or [\[ɪʃ\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German).

[Palatinate German language](/source/Palatinate_German_language) speakers are among those who pronounce both the digraph ⟨ch⟩ and the trigraph ⟨sch⟩ as [\[ʃ\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German). A common hypercorrection is to produce [\[ç\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) even where standard German has [\[ʃ\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) such as in [Helmut Kohl](/source/Helmut_Kohl)'s hypercorrect rendering of "Geschichte", the German word for "history" with a German pronunciation: [\[ç\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German) both for the ⟨sch⟩ (standard German [\[ʃ\]](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Standard_German)) and the ⟨ch⟩.

Proper names and German loanwords into other languages that have been [reborrowed](/source/Reborrowing), particularly when they have gone through or are perceived to have gone through the English language are often pronounced "[hyperforeign](/source/Hyperforeign)". Examples include "Hamburger" or the names of [German-Americans](/source/German-American) and the companies named after them, even if they were or are first generation immigrants.

Some German speakers pronounce the [metal umlaut](/source/Metal_umlaut) as if it were a "normal" German umlaut. For example, when [Mötley Crüe](/source/M%C3%B6tley_Cr%C3%BCe) visited Germany, singer Vince Neil said the band could not figure out why "the crowds were chanting, 'Mutley Cruh! Mutley Cruh!'"[24]

## Swedish

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In Swedish, the word *att* is sometimes pronounced /[ɔ](/source/Open-mid_back_rounded_vowel)/ when used as an infinitive marker (its conjunction homograph is never pronounced that way, however). The conjunction *och* is also sometimes pronounced the same way. Both pronunciations can informally be spelt *å*. ("*Jag älskar å fiska å jag tycker också om å baka*.") When spelt more formally, the infinitive marker /ˈɔ/ is sometimes misspelt *och*. (*"*Få mig och hitta tillbaka*.")

The third person plural pronoun, pronounced *dom* in many dialects, is formally spelt *de* in the subjective case and *dem* in the objective case. Informally it can be spelled *dom* ("*Dom tycker om mig*."), yet *dom* is only acceptable in the spoken language.[25] When spelt more formally, they are often confused with each other. ("*De tycker om mig*." as a correct form, compared to *"*Dem tycker om mig*." as an incorrect form in this case). As an object form, using *dem* in a sentence would be correct in the sentence "*Jag ger dem en present*." ("I give them a gift.")

## See also

- [Hypocorrection](/source/Hypocorrection)

- [English usage controversies](/source/English_usage_controversies)

- [Eye dialect](/source/Eye_dialect)

- [List of English words with disputed usage](/source/List_of_English_words_with_disputed_usage)

- [Mondegreen](/source/Mondegreen)

- [Regularization (linguistics)](/source/Regularization_(linguistics))

- [Shibboleth](/source/Shibboleth)

- [Szadzenie](/source/Szadzenie)

## References

### Citations

1. **[^](#cite_ref-1)** [Wilson, Kenneth G.](/source/Kenneth_G._Wilson_(author)) (1993). [*The Columbia Guide to Standard American English*](https://web.archive.org/web/20021120153706/https://www.bartleby.com/68/62/3062.html). [Columbia University Press](/source/Columbia_University_Press). Archived from [the original](http://www.bartleby.com/68/62/3062.html) on 20 November 2002.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-2)** Labov, William (1991). *Sociolinguistic patterns*. Conduct and communication series. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia press. p. 126. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-8122-1052-1](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-8122-1052-1).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-3)** Menner, Robert J. (1937). "Hypercorrect forms in American English". *[American Speech](/source/American_Speech)*. **12** (3): 167–78. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.2307/452423](https://doi.org/10.2307%2F452423). [JSTOR](/source/JSTOR_(identifier)) [452423](https://www.jstor.org/stable/452423).

1. ^ [***a***](#cite_ref-MWDEU_4-0) [***b***](#cite_ref-MWDEU_4-1) "hypercorrection". *Merriam Webster's Dictionary of English Usage*. [Springfield, Massachusetts, US](/source/Springfield%2C_Massachusetts): Merriam-Webster. 1994. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-87779-132-4](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-87779-132-4).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-5)** [Stamper, Kory](/source/Kory_Stamper). [*Ask the editor: octopus*](https://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2voh0q). *[Merriam-Webster](/source/Merriam-Webster)*. Retrieved 29 January 2024 – via [Daily Motion](/source/Daily_Motion).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-6)** *Social Stratification of English in New York City* (2nd ed.). Cambridge: [Cambridge University Press](/source/Cambridge_University_Press). 2006 [1966]. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-52805-4](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-52805-4).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-7)** Carey, Michael. ["Interlanguage Phonology Sources of L2 Pronunciation 'Errors'"](https://web.archive.org/web/20050702041001/http://www.ling.mq.edu.au/speech/phonetics/phonology/interlanguage/pronerrors.html). *Phonetics and Phonology*. [Macquarie University](/source/Macquarie_University) Department of Linguistics. Archived from [the original](http://www.ling.mq.edu.au/speech/phonetics/phonology/interlanguage/pronerrors.html) on 2 July 2005.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-8)** Doomen, Jasper (2023). "The Case of the Pseudo-hypercorrection". *[Insights into Language, Culture and Communication](https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Insights_into_Language,_Culture_and_Communication&action=edit&redlink=1)*. **3** (1): 69–71. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.21622/ilcc.2023.03.1.069](https://doi.org/10.21622%2Filcc.2023.03.1.069).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-9)** ["Wordmaster: Hypercorrection Is Not Simply Being Fussy or a Nitpicker or a Pedant"](https://learningenglish.voanews.com/a/a-23-2007-07-23-voa3-83133807/117349.html). *[VOA: Learning English](/source/Voice_of_America)*. 23 July 2007. [Archived](https://web.archive.org/web/20121015120201/http://learningenglish.voanews.com/content/a-23-2007-07-23-voa3-83133807/117349.html) from the original on 15 October 2012. Retrieved 28 January 2024.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-10)** Huddleston, Rodney D.; Pullum, Geoffrey K. (2005). [*A student's introduction to English grammar*](https://www.worldcat.org/title/ocm57574762). Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 107. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-84837-4](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-84837-4). [OCLC](/source/OCLC_(identifier)) [57574762](https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/57574762).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-11)** from the episode "Vault of Death"

1. **[^](#cite_ref-12)** ["Voiceover: Gerry Anderson"](https://web.archive.org/web/20130901173717/http://davidgraham.co/blog/?page_id=27). *David Graham Official Site*. Archived from [the original](http://davidgraham.co/blog/?page_id=27) on 1 September 2013. Retrieved 5 March 2013.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-13)** [Wells, John Christopher](/source/John_C._Wells) (1982). [*Accents of English: An Introduction*](https://books.google.com/books?id=UJQwf05yzqYC&q=Accents+of+English:+An+Introduction&pg=PA108). [Cambridge University Press](/source/Cambridge_University_Press). p. 108. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-29719-6](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-29719-6).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-14)** ["Definition of HABANERO"](https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/habanero). *www.merriam-webster.com*. Retrieved 2022-10-21.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-15)** Huebner, Thom; Ferguson, Charles A. (1 January 1991). [*Crosscurrents in Second Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theories*](https://books.google.com/books?id=6BGdnKa2zcUC&pg=PA124). John Benjamins Publishing. p. 124. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-90-272-2463-7](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-90-272-2463-7).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-chamson-2016_16-0)** Chamson, Emil (30 November 2016). ["Wisiting Wienna: /w/ for /v/ as a typical feature of German speakers' English"](https://scispace.com/papers/wisiting-wienna-w-for-v-as-a-typical-feature-of-german-500ivn26w2). *English Today*. **32** (4). Cambridge University Press: 40–48. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1017/S0266078416000298](https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0266078416000298). Retrieved 26 July 2025.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-17)** ["'Affect' vs. 'Effect'"](https://www.merriam-webster.com/grammar/affect-vs-effect-usage-difference). *www.merriam-webster.com*. Retrieved 2025-01-30.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-18)** ["Is it 'feel bad' or 'feel badly'?"](https://www.merriam-webster.com/grammar/do-you-feel-bad-or-feel-badly#:~:text=%E2%80%9CI%20feel%20bad%E2%80%9D%20or%20%E2%80%9C,%22that%20looks%20deliciously%22).). *www.merriam-webster.com*. Retrieved 2025-01-30.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-19)** Ng, Bee Chin (January 1, 1983). "A Study of the Variable /sh/ in Singapore Mandarin". *Pacific Linguistics. Series A. Occasional Papers*. **0** (67).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-20)** Arsenijević, Boban (2016-01-18). ["Burek koji se može poneti"](https://www.pismenica.rs/jezicke-nedoumice/boban-arsenijevic-burek-koji-se-moze-poneti/).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-21)** Zuckermann, Ghil'ad (2003). *Language contact and lexical enrichment in Israeli Hebrew*. Palgrave studies in language history and language change. New York, N.Y: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 77. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-1-4039-1723-2](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-4039-1723-2).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-22)** Penny, Ralph (2000). *Variation and Change in Spanish*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-0-521-78045-2](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-521-78045-2).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-23)** [Lipski, John M.](/source/John_M._Lipski) (1997). ["En busca de las normas fonéticas del español"](https://johnlipski.github.io/normas.pdf) (PDF). In Colombi, M. Cecilia; Alarconi, Francisco X. (eds.). *La enseñanza del español a hispanohablantes : praxis y teoría* (in Spanish). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. pp. 121–132. [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [9780669398441](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780669398441).

1. **[^](#cite_ref-24)** Eric Spitznagel (November 27, 2009). ["Motley Crue's Vince Neil is Finally Bored With Boobs"](http://www.vanityfair.com/online/oscars/2009/11/motley-crues-vince-neil-is-finally-bored-with-boobs). *Vanity Fair*.

1. **[^](#cite_ref-25)** ["Frågelådan"](https://www4.isof.se/cgi-bin/srfl/visasvar.py?sok=dem&svar=79604&log_id=842877). *www4.isof.se*. Retrieved 2021-09-22.

### Sources

- [Blau, Joshua](/source/Yehoshua_Blau) (1970). *On Pseudo-Corrections in Some Semitic Languages*. Jerusalem: [Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities](/source/Israel_Academy_of_Sciences_and_Humanities). [ASIN](/source/ASIN_(identifier)) [B001B3JHWM](https://www.amazon.com/dp/B001B3JHWM).

- [Labov, William](/source/William_Labov) (1985). "HYPERCORRECTION BY THE LOWER MIDDLE CLASS AS A FACTOR IN LINGUISTIC CHANGE". In Bright, William (ed.). [*Sociolinguistics: Proceedings of the UCLA Sociolinguistics Conference, 1964*](https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110856507-008/html). De Gruyter Mouton. pp. 84–113. [doi](/source/Doi_(identifier)):[10.1515/9783110856507-008](https://doi.org/10.1515%2F9783110856507-008). [ISBN](/source/ISBN_(identifier)) [978-3-11-085650-7](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-3-11-085650-7). Retrieved 2024-09-04.

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Adapted from the Wikipedia article [Hypercorrection](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypercorrection) by Wikipedia contributors ([contributor history](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hypercorrection?action=history)). Available under [Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International](https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/). Changes may have been made.
